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spring 1996 



-5 

ST 
3 

a. 



MARYLAND 

Historical Magazine 



.iAU. Of RtCOKDS LIBRARY 
ANNAPOLIS, MARYLAND 



THE MARYLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY 
Founded 1844 
Dennis A. Fiori, Director 

The Maryland Historical Magazine 

Ernest L. Scott Jr., Editor 

Robert I. Cottom Jr., Associate Editor 

Patricia Dockman Anderson, Associate Editor 

Jessica M. Pigza, Managing Editor 

JefF Goldman, Photographer 

Angela Anthony, Robin Donaldson Coblentz, Christopher T.George, 
Jane Gushing Lange, o«d Robert W. Schoeberlein, Editorial Associates 

Regional Editors 

John B. Wiseman, Frostburg State University 

Jane C. Sween, Montgomery County Historical Society 

Pegram Johnson III, Accoceek, Maryland 

Acting as an editorial board, the Publications Committee of the Maryland Historical 
Society oversees and supports the magazine staff. Members of the committee are: 

John W. Mitchell, Upper Marlboro; Trustee/Chair 

Jean H. Baker, Goucher College 

James H. Bready, Baltimore Sun 

Lois Green Carr, St. Mary's City Commission 

Toby L. Ditz, The Johns Hopkins University 

Dennis A. Fiori, Maryland Historical Society, ex-offtcio 

David G. Fogle, University of Maryland 

Jack G. Goellner, Baltimore 

Averil Kadis, Enoch Pratt Free Library 

Roland C. McConnell, Morgan State University 

Norvell E. Miller III, Baltimore 

Richard Striner, Washington College 

John G. Van Osdell, Towson State University 

Alan R. Walden, WBAL, Baltimore 

Brian Weese, Bibelot, Inc., Pikesville 

Members Emeritus 

John Higham, The Johns Hopkins University 
Samuel Hopkins, Baltimore 
Charles McC. Mathias, Chevy Chase 

The views and conclusions expressed in this magazine are those of the authors. 
The editors are responsible for the decision to make them public. 

ISSN 0025-4258 

© 1996 by the Maryland Historical Society. Published as a benefit of membership in the Maryland 

Historical Society in March, June, September, and December. Articles appearing in this journal are 
abstracted and indexed in Historical Abstracts and/or America: History and Life. Second class postage paid 
at Baltimore, Maryland and at additional mailing offices. Postmaster: please send address changes to the 
Maryland Historical Society, 201 West Monument Street, Baltimore, Maryland 21201. Composed by 
Publishing Concepts, Baltimore, Maryland, and printed in the USA by The Sheridan Press, Hanover, 
Pennsylvania 1 733 1. Individual subscriptions are not available. Institutional subscriptions are $24.00 per 
year, prepaid. 



MARYLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY 201 WEST MONtlMENT STREET BALTIMORE, MD 21201 



MARYLAND 
Historical Magazine 

VOLUME 91, 1 (SPRING 1996) 



CONTENTS 

The Carpenter and the Crocodile 5 

GARRETT POWER 

Charles County: Confederate Cauldroa 17 

WILLIAM A. TIDWELL 

Malloy of the American: Baltimore's Pioneer Woman Journalist 29 

AGNES HOOPER GOTTLIEB 

A Forgotten Love Story: An Episode in the of Churks, 5th Lord Baltimore 47 

LOUISE MALLOY 

Plain Truth vs Common Sense: James Chalmers for the Loyalists, 1776 53 

M. CHRISTOPHER NEW 

Portfolio 65 

Meshach Browning: Bear Hunter of Allegany County, 1781-1859 73 

DAVID M. DEAN 

Between Two Cultures: The Worlds of Rosalie Stier Calvert 85 

LORRI M. GLOVER 

Book Reviews 95 

Kamin^, ed., A Necessary Evil? Slavery and the Debate Over the Constitutian, 

by Michael C. ToUey 



Wolfe, Daughters of Canaan: A Saga of Southern Women, by Diane Miller Sommerville 
Nelson, the President Is ht CMp Dct^d, by fdhn "t. Wiseman 
Symonds, The Naval Institute Historical Atlas of the U. S. Navy, by Henry S. Morgan 
CuUen, The Civil War in Popular Culture: A Reusable Past, by Robert I. Cottom 
Cohen and Brownell, The Architectural Drawings of Benjamin Henry Latrobe, Series II, 

^^tthIme 2, Part 1 amd Part2,l5y Mando V. Ridout 
Lewis, Artisans in the North Carolina Backcountry, John Midiael Vlach 
Denton, A Southern Star for Maryland: Maryland and the Secession Crisis, 1860-61, 



by Robert W. Schoeberlein 
Books in Brief 112 

In the Mail 114 

N«ic« 119 

Historic Trees of Maryland 121 

Maryland Picture Puzzle 123 



Editor's Notebook 



What Is It with Jane Austen? 

This venerable magazine, first published in 1906, receives many requests for 
copies of old articles. At hand is a letter askingfor an article from 191 1. Opening 
the eighty-five-year-old issue is like peering into a time capsule. Extending that 
idea, and flattering ourselves that this issue may be similarly delved into fifty or 
a hundred years from now, we offer a sampler of cognitive consonance and 
dissonance in the daily lives of Marylanders in early 1996. 

Nothing matches in grandeur the recent discovery of two new planets and the 
subsequent revival of interest in the possibilities of intelligent life in galaxies yet 
unknown. Our Hubble telescope, flawed by human error and corrected by 
human ingenuity, is performing remarkably well. The lay mind boggles at most 
astronomical calculations and hypotheses, but we know that much is at stake for 
our philosophies. Awestruck by the pace and complexity of ^terspatial discovery, 
we can conjure nevertheless, and we do — in rare quiet moments. 

A visitor from Mars might be fascinated by our obsession with characters 
invented by a novelist who died in 1817, leaving behind a cast of great civility 
and hypocrisy whose female members spend virtually all of their time waiting 
for gentlemen with "5,000 pounds a year." Jane Austen's scenes of gentility fill 
our screens large and small. Oxford University Press and several book clubs are 
doing brisk business with handsome new sets of the complete works in hardcover 
and paperback. Evidently Austen provides respite from our increasingly vulgar 
and cacophonous times. To calm down, we take a literary tranquilizer, willingly 
swallowing her limited slice of society and accepting with littie comment the 
narrowness of her women's lives. Austenites further fuel their addiction to 
nineteenth -century England with the delightful book What Jane Austen Ate and 
Charles Dickens Knew by Daniel Pool, published in 1995 and reprinted this year 
in paperback (Touchstone Books). 

Moving from the truly sublime to the relatively sublime to the ridiculous, we 
have the spectacle of O. J. Simpson selling for $30 a portion of what he would 
not say at his trial for murder in 1995 — a perfect metaphor for our celebrity- 
driven, media-overloaded culture. 

We are in our quadrennial presidential cycle, repelled by its excesses and yet 
drawn to the greatest of all democratic exercises. Television advertising, much of 
it negative, now drives the contest. We fret about the lack of will in the Congress 
for campaign finance reform. We marvel at how quickly balancing the budget in 
seven years (or whatever) fell off the radar screen as the primary season began 
in February. We deplore the zeal of the press for covering the process (the horse 
race) rather than the issues. We see that continuous polling, instead of measuring 
what we think, threatens to tell us what to think. (By the way, readers of this 
magazine who subscribe to American Heritage have unwittingly contributed to 



a presidential campaign. Forbes, Inc., the publisher, has done fairly well by a 
magazine that once was sponsored by the American Association for State & Local 
History and the Society of American Historians, but they have tricked it up with 
merchandising gimmicks. It is hard to find the articles between the thick tear-out 
advertising cards.) 

There are signs that the American press may be ready to critique its own 
posturing and preoccupation with process over substance. In January, James 
Fallows published Breaking the News: How the Media Undermine American 
Democracy (Pantheon Books; excerpted in the Atlantic Monthly for February), 
causing a healthy outbreak of soul-searching and new rounds of seminars. 

We think of our troops in Bosnia with pride, concern, and ambivalence. We 
are divided about being there but not bitterly so. We want to lead as befits our 
standing as a nation, but fear that we are only buying time, at great risk, between 
hostilities. 

A lot of Marylanders worry vaguely about what will happen to the USF 

Constellation, once the glorious (and mythic) centerpiece of Baltimore's Inner 
Harbor but now a sadly decaying relic. The March-April issue of Naval History, 
published by the U.S. Naval Institute, contains a useful article by Frank Roylance 
about current efforts to preserve the de-masted vessel. (Call l-iW-l®^^64 to 
buy the issue for $3.50 or a subscription.) 

So there: a little time capsule, a loose assortment of things that are on our 
minds as this issue is published and read. 

E.L.S. 



Cover 

The Octagonal Barn at Riversdale 

Our cover salutes the citizens of Prince George's on the 300th anniversary of 
the founding of their county. 

The octagonal barn at Riversdale in Prince George's County stood on the 
grounds of the Calvert family estate. Built by agriculturalist George Benedict 
Calvert, the structure attracted national attention when it appeared in the 
American Farmer in 1854. This younger son of George Calvert and Rosalie Stier 
organized and gave the land for the First College of Agricultural Research, 
forerunner of the University of Maryland at College Park. Although theoct^o- 
nal barn is now gone, the house at Riversdale still stands, a grand monument to 
generations of Maryland's founding family. 

P.D.A. 




The Crocodile: Christopher Hughes grew rich when the paper money system failed and the value of 
his goM anddtver escalated. Oil on canvas by Chmies WSbon Pcoie, 17SB. (Maryland Historical 
Society.) 



5 

The Carpenter and 
The QcDGodile 

GARRETT POWER 

P re-revolutionary Baltimore Town grew rapidly in commerce and popu- 
lation. Its harbor on the Chesapeake Bay served a larger trading area 
than any other American seaport. As production of wheat and iron ore 
increased, Baltimore, with its mills and furnaces, became a center of export, 
import, manufacture, and exchange. A cluster of twenty- five houses in 1750 
became a village of three thousand in 1770, and a town of six thousand in 
1776. Artisans, mechanics, and merchants, and their families swelled the 
population.^ 

Two young fortune seekers were among the newcomers in the 1770s. 
Twenty-eight-year-old Leonard Harbaugh was a "sturdy carpenter" eager to 
find work. And silversmith Christopher Hughes, age twenty-six, arrived "fricftn 
Ireland on the lookout for trade. Both prospered.^ 

Leonard Harbaugh supported his growing family by "having done buildings 
to more than the amount of one hundred thousand pounds." Among his first 
customers was Christopher Hughes for whom he built a house on Gay Street.^ 

Hughes opened a shop nearby at the "sign of the Cup and Crown" on the 
corner of Market and Gay Streets. There he manufactured, bought, and sold 
"plate and jewellery." He dealt in gold and silver.* 

Money in colonial Maryland was in short supply. Due to the deficit in the 
trade balance, pounds sterling inevitably ended up back in England. Parlia- 
ment had forbidden the colonies to issue legal tender of their own. The paper 
bills of credit issued by the colony only served in discharge of obligations 
when the parties expressedly so agreed. The Spanish dollar (382.85 grains of 
silver) and smaller silver coins were accepted as standard money, but they 
were scarce. This left gold and silver in great demand as a medium of ex- 
change. Hughes's dealings in specie proved a profitable sideline. He became a 
banker as well as an artisan.^ 

The American Revolution brought about a boom in Baltimore's economy. 
When British sea power cut off American trade, Baltimore's merchants imme- 
diately benefited — they were now excused from debts owed to English credi- 
tors. Colonel Samuel Smith and others became rich by capturing English 
merchant ships as prizes and by running the blockade to sell wheat and flour 
at wartime prices to Spanish forces in the West Indies.^ 

Garrett Power is a professor of law at the School of Law, University of Maryland. 



MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE, VOL 91. NO. 1, SPRING 1996 



6 



Maryland Historical Magazine 




Detail from Plan of tJieTpm oIlaWmorc iMdits Ensrirans i»y A. P.J'&Ue, 1792. (Maryland His- 
torical Society.) 

Independence created monetary havoc, however. English pounds sterling 
were no longer to be had through ordinary exchange, and the colonies had no 
credit abroad. Gold and silver were in short supply at a time when the Conti- 
nental Congress was calling upon all the confederated states to pay their share 
of the cost of waging war. Maryland and the other states had little choice but 

7 

to prmt paper money. 

The colonial experience with paper money had not been a positive one. The 
colonies had failed abysmally in efforts to sustain its value. Colonial currencies 
issued according to the English reckoning in pounds, shillings, and pence rap- 
idly depreciated in real exchange value to as little as 10 percent of their par 
value against the English pound sterhng. Nevertheless, the states tried again, 
with trepidation.^ 

When creating new paper money, Maryland (and the other confederated 
states) had three problems to face: first, how to denominate the currency; sec- 
ond, how to frx its par value; and third, how to make that value stand up in the 
marketplace. A resolution of the Continental Congress in 1775 specified that 
the old English monetary units system should be abandoned in favor of a pa- 
per dollar equivalent in value to "Spanish milled dollars or the value thereof in 



The Carpenter and the Crocodile 



7 




The Carpenter: Leonard Harbaugh, Baltimore builder in the years following the Revolution, be- 
came a bitter adversary of Christopher Hughes. fAntiques Magazine J 

gold and silver." The units of the coinage system remained unspecified. The 
states were to issue paper money and, after contributing a share to the Con- 
gress for prosecution of the war, circulate the remainder in their domestic 
economies. This answered the first two questions but left each state to its own 
devices in securing the value of its bills.^ Maryland's General Assembly took 
two steps to back up its paper dollars. First it passed a law that made the new 
Maryland dollars legal tender for all debts and contracts, past as well as future. 



8 



Maryland Historicei Me^azine 



Saratoga Street 




Baltimore waterfront west and south of the Basin in 1783. Adapted from Plats of John Eager 
Howard's Addition in the Maryland State Archives. (Baltimore County Plats, C 2043, MdHR 
19958-17, B5/9/27 and C 2043, MdHR 19958-30, B5/9/2.) 



Then it legally rated its dollar as equivalent to 7 shillings and 6 pence (90 
pence). Anyone who offered goods at a discount if paid for in gold and silver, 
was subject to a fine. In essence the legislature decreed the dollar's value. 

The laws proved powerless to stop the devaluation of paper money in the mar- 
ketplace. Traders distrusted the dollar's true worth. State efforts to restore confi- 
dence in its currency by guaranteeing its redemption in gold or silver foiled. 



The Carpenter and the Cromdile 



9 



When the English trustees refused to honor a draw upon an account of £34,000 
pounds which Maryland had deposited in the Bank of England before the war, 
the state had no hard currency with which to acquire the necessary specie. ^ ^ 

In the final accounting in 1780, Maryland broke the faith. It redeemed the 
old issues of its paper money with one new paper dollar for every $40 turned 
in. Moreover the General Assembly specified that the new bills would be with- 
out the support of a legal tender clause. When contracting for future loans, the 
parties were free to specify whether the medium of repayment was to be spe- 
cie, English pounds sterling, or Maryland's paper money.^^ The new state pa- 
per currency was to be backed up by a sinking fund into which the state would 
place tax revenues and proceeds from the sale of confiscated Tory property. 
When paying taxes or buying property, payments were to be made in gold or 
silver; paper money was not an accepted medium of exchange. 

The failure of the monetary system made Christopher Hughes rich. When 
the value of state money crashed, the value of specie soared. With an inventory 
of gold and silver, and experience as a currency trader, he literally grew fat on 
hirljf^ectillSbit.' Aft#1^e^ figure as he rode his white- 

faced horse about the town.'^ 

Notwithstanding monetary instability, all classes prospered during the first 
years of American independertce. I#eW ^MiyMrfd ^E^rs mmed in ifMi and 
1781 served as a circulating medium in the domestic economy. British mer- 
chants contributed to the climate of excess by freely extending credit for pur- 
chases abroad. After ten years of privation Marylanders eagerly bought 
European goods without much thought as to how they would pay for them.^^ 
These postwar years held out ^eat prospects for Leonard Harbai^h. By 1781 
the town had swelled to 13,000 inhabitants and its leaders were promoting 
construction all around the town. The sturdy and skilled Harbaugh stood 
ready to build a better, bigger Baltimore. 

An extension of Calvert Street was among the public works proposed for the 
1780s. A courthouse that had been built in 1768 stood in the way, however. 
The first plans called for its demolition, but Leonard Harbaugh persuaded the 
town council that he ccmld rave the building by excavation {rf earth and con- 
struction of an arched passageway beneath it. Many townspeople dismissed 
this idea as the "dream of a bold projector," but in 1785 Harbaugh accom- 
plished the incredible feat, leaving the courthouse on stilts with its entrance 
twenty feet above street level. 

While Leonard Harbaugh continued his work as a builder be was on the 
lookout for new challenges. Although the construction trade was profitable, 
real fortunes were to be made in shipping. If shippers were to do business in the 
shallow Baltimore harbor, they had to wharf-out into deeper water. Harbaugh 
decided to construct and operate a wharf 

To the north of the basin. Colonel Samuel Smith and his Scots-Irish co-re- 
ligionists, the Sterretts, Spears, and Buchanans, had already cornered the 



10 



Maryland H<ktorkai Magazine 




5^ ^pkfOTICE is hereby given ta 

Maffts, Samuel Owings, Geerge R&nge^ AhrabaM 
Larfcbi irtorgt Dagan, Pbilip Bear^ Peter BMmas, ff iliiam Baf* 
ley, and all othcfs concerned, that the Subfcrlber, -for a confi-*. 
<j«!r»bl« Balance 6f Grouodreatj and o^her GtaJros due tbeteon/ 
b»Uk|eeflt«red o& the Wharf knpwo by tfce Name of i/tfr^a«^^*i 
Wb^rfy^pit a»,he underftandiithe above-riierttionej} Gcntlae 
men are intcrcfted therein, this ii to notify, that any or all of 
them.aay, notwithftaridiog, on paying hia^or thiir refpediv* 
Balance, lia»ey bold, and peac^ahly tnjojr their jprt Claim in th« 
fame, in a» tmpk a Manner ai if the Reentry bad hot taken 
place J and it is hereby iotinnated to tbcai, that unlefs thejf 
make their Claims, and pay their refpeiJi^ jjaUhcfea, with*, 
in one Month from ^the Date hereof^ they will hcreaftet. 
be inadqijMblc, as the Property mil be thilptoired f M i^<<ll( 09»- 
by ebelr huoBkie ServaRt, . • • ^ 

,CFi a I STO P HE R HtJO aSSi 

Hughes (above) and Harbaugh (opposite) had notices printed in t/ie Maryland Journal and Balti- 
more Advertiser to publicize their argument. (Maryland Historical Society Library.) 

market on the waterfront. Their wharves along Water Street stretched a thou- 
sand feet out into the basin. Debris had been placed between the landsends of 
their piers, and terra firma had moved a block south to the newly extended 
Pratt Street, which was built on the fill. Leonard had to look elsewhere for a 
site for Harbaugh's Wharf 

Meanwhile, tiouveau riche Christopher Hughes was also on the lookout for 
opportunities to diversify his investments. In 1782 he bought a parcel of land 
known as Gist's Inspection, which bordered the harbor basin to the west and 
south. He promptly filled in the mud flats along the western waterfront to cre- 
ate building lots bounding the newly created Forest Street (Light Street, to- 
day).^" The southern tip of the tract lay at the foot of newly christened Federal 
Hill and remained undeveloped. Some of it was dry land, but much of it was a 
sand bar washed by the tides. Major effort and expense would be required to 
make the land usable .^^ 

In 1783 Hughes leased this part of Gist's Inspection to Harbaugh for ninety- 
nine years, renewable forever. Harbaugh agreed to pay an annual ground rent 
of £206, 12 shillings. The lease specified that the periodic payments Were to be 
made in pounds sterling — hard English currency.^^ Harbaugh rushed to profit 
from the postwar b<»m in imports a»d exports. According to his own reckon- 



The Carpenter and the Crocx)dile 



11 



given, t» »ii mkom il m^y con-m 
L\ «rn» but efpecially to Mr. C H R J S T O H E R. 

H tJ G H B S— That your Intimadon to thof« Gentlemen 
wfeom .yo« ht'ra mfolted *m yoixi A4vc> it ftme at of .ftUa^ i^-H, 
' U'confidered only a« the Cro-kJng of s hun^-y CR OCODILE 
i^4ot more Plui^dfri— —They know vtsy well, sod tlvt .ExptV^tsc* 
of the SQbfmbsT hom you will fcflify, that there i> nehhef 
Pfiace, Crt«t> Of J ufticc to be bad in lia»!i»g any thing to do 
with you, Of to or «njoy any thiag, when you c«ft, by 

any Colour, or any Means, Uy hold of it— -1 will, iHerefeft,. 
uodcr;t»k« to f«y for thofe Gentlemen, tKat ydu ,nat)iii>f . 
to 4m vrkh thctti } nor will cbey hive any th»«g to da wi?h you., 
— -*Aifor myfelf, 1 ftiafr oftly repeat what I fitve h«r«te(foi« 
toid you to fom Face, tjb»t had i, by Ch«nc«, fallen into th« 
ffandtof Highway m«w5,t.ihou!d ha V5 had betser Te: mi-»-Ther« 
att Exampk». tbit, when tb«y h?. ye found they had robbed .« 
:Pcrfen that got hi» Living by Honcfty and Induftry, he^dei « 
; larger Fanriiiy to maintajB, m 1 jba s, they have' teftored th« 
whole, 9t P«rt# batik again.I^^— -Juflice 5* afi I look for from 
«oy Mtti i< bot^ypu h«v» now .far sapre than Three ' Thoftfaifd 
pQundt of my Property in your Hands, for which I have .ft»t 
received. Owf PswHjf} and bc«zufe T cisnot. nor will not,. pay 
yocT«i« Hundred Ani Six Pounds f(ii, jmrly, fer » Piece of 
Otoond that il not wortk Suoenty £hi/arsf *a TimSs now are, 
yco will -«--------. if you ,ca%i and ftili ,want more. It ia 

,tfu« you IjAve , got my Cgar, .joarf ,C/o«4 ttiA Jacket^ very eafy« 
hue ••it if npw coine to the^ii«, and I find you art below 
Hamaoity, you &»ll fi»d that a M A N. will give Skin for 
Skin only, and you ihall have Piccf for Piece^ as often as you 
fuj any thing in the Public P»p«r« tQncerr>}©g IJiiri>4>ugb*t 
marf. rrlfla» L£ONAii,D UA^AMf^U^m m 



ing he spent £3,300 creating Harbaugh's Wharf by extending logs into the ba- 
sin and then filling in with soil behind. He subdivided the higher ground and 
siAl«ised building lots.^^ But a sound and stable currency was ^1 lacking. It 
had become apparent that the new Maryland paper money issued in 1780-81 
was dramatically depreciating in value, first by one-, then by two- and even 
three hundred percent. The sinking fund was empty — taxpayers and purchas- 
ers of confiscated property were in default on their obligation to pay the state 
in spme. Debtors seized the opportunity to pay off their dollar debts with 



12 



Maryland Histaricd Magazine 



worthless paper. And creditors were fearful that the soft-money faction in the 
Maryland General Assembly might push through new "legal tender" legisla- 
tion that would once again make all debts payable with paper money (even if 
contracts called for specie or pounds sterling).^'* 

Creditors, led by Charles Carroll of CarroUton, made a preemptive strftee. 
They persuaded the General Assembly at its 1784 session to pass the Consoli- 
dation Act, which provided for liquidation within six years of all debt owed 
the state. In the short run the act was a boon to debtors since it disregarded 
tht tMi»iiit exchange rate and accepted Maryland dollars at a par with specie in 
the payment of debts owed the state. There was a reverse run on the treasury 
as debtors rushed to pay off debts owed in pild and silvet with depreciated pa- 
per dollars.^^ 

The Coi^liiattefe Act had the intended side effect. Dollars di^pp^ired 
into the treasury, and as the supply of paper money diminished the remaining 
bills increased in value. No longer would creditors be cheated by repayment in 
valueless paper. But the act had unintended side effects. There was not enough 
sftc%twA foreign money left in circulation to serve as a monetary vehicle. 
Trade suffered, land values plummeted, and interest rates soared to 25 percent 
and 30 percent. Hard currencies, such as the pound sterling, dramatically in- 
creased in value.^^ 

iMfOHM Harbaugh was a two-way loser. The land he had leased, long-term, 

no longer had any resale value, and the rent he had promised to pay had be- 
come exorbitant. He had made the financially fatal mistake of undertaking to 
pay the annual ground rent in English pounds, not anticipating their runaway 
increase in value. Unable to pay the rent for five years, Harbaugh found him- 
self eleven hundred pounds in arrears. He avowed that he "would not or could 
not pay Two hundred six pounds rent, yearly, for a piece of Ground that is not 
v^»rtiT'^ty Mars as Times now are." In 1789, Hughes reentered and' dfe- 
possessed Harbaugh of thi? leflMhold. Hughes then pressed Harbaugh for pay- 
ment of the back rent.^^ 

Harbaugh responded with a public airing of his grievances in the columns 
of 'Ate MeN^fiifduHkff. al^'Bkltimore Advertiser. In a series of broadsides Ae 
self-styled "enemy of tyrants" attacked Hughes's efforts to collect the debt as 
"the Croaking of a Crocodile, hungry for more plunder."^^ Harbaugh re- 
counted his side of the story to the public. He was "a person that got his Living 
by Honesty and Industry^ with "a large family to maintain." Hu^es already 
had "more than Three Thousand Pounds of his property in hand" and still 
wanted more. Having already Harbaugh's "cloak and jacket it had now come 
to the skin",- Hughes was "below humanity." Harbaugh added a menagerie of 
insialts, characterizing Hi3>g^s as "a cr^i^ »«»pe«t," "a porpoise," "a bug- 
bear," "a hungry wolf," and "a devil."^^ And in a final stroke Harbaugh went 
for Hughes's throat. In 1788 Hughes had celebrated his success by commis- 
sioning a portrait by Charles Willson Peale. The flattering portrait had been 



The Carpenter and the Crocodile 



13 



placed on public di^ay, pron^ting Marbaugh to observe: "I have done you 
more justice in drawing your general character, than even Mr. Peale has in 
drawing your fine picture, though it is believed in general that it is not the art- 
ist's fault but your particular request to counterfeit one of your chins."^° 

Leonard fii^mv^-wm^Wtmil*Mm>^,^GMstb^^B^ took 
possession of the land. Harbaugh and his family fled to the newly established 
District of Columbia, one step ahead of the sheriff. Harbaugh subsequently 
submitted entries in the design competition for the Capitol and the President's 
Houws, bat Ml vntre not selected. He died in 182!2 and was buried in 
Washington's Congressional Cemetery. Christopher Hughes lived on in afflu- 
ence in his Forest Street house at the foot of Federal Hill until his death in 
1824. He is buried in Mfimore's St. Paul's Cemetery.^^ 

So ends rtie brkf history mi. mi^maif tak df the carpenter and "the 
crocodile." In the boom years of the early 1780s an under-capitalized investor 
leveraged his assets and agreed to a long-term lease on what seemed to be fa- 
vorable rent. When thfe crash inevitably came, he wisbu^ed. The story was re- 
peated in the commercial real estate market of Maryland in the 1980s. "Plus ffl 
change, plus c'est la mime chose. "^^ 

And the story is a reminder that the conflict of interests between creditors 
and debtors is as old as the Republic itself. In the 1780s the General Assembly 
made dollars scarce. In th« 1990s the Federal Reserve Board does the same. 
Today as yesterday, creditors prefer a strong currency and a high rate of re- 
turn, while debtors will opt for easy money, low interest, and a little bit of in- 
flation. "One man's justice is another man's injustke."^^ 



NOTES 

1. Gary L. Browne, Baltimore in the Nation, 1789-1861 (Chapel Hill: University of North 
Carolina Press, 1980), 3-13; }. Thomas Scharf, History (Philadelphia: H. H. Everts, 1881), 
1:59-60, 185, 290-291; Sherry H. Oktm, Bakmwe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University 
Press, 1981), 10-15, 25; Paul Kent Walker, "The Baltimore Community and the American 
Revolution: A Study in Urban Development, 1763-1783" (Ph.D. dissertation, University^ 
of North Carolina, 1973), 91-94, 119. 

2. The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, December 24, 1789; "Christopher 
Hughes," Dielman-Hayward FUe, Maryland Historical Society. 

3. Ibid. 

4. Ibid., August 20, 1773 (fecsimfle edition foimd in "Christopher Hughes," Dielman-Hay- 
ward File, Maryland Historical Society) . 

5. Kathryn L. Behrens, Paper Money in Maryland, 1727-1789 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins 
University Press, 1923), 46-58; Neil Carothers, Fractional Money (New York: A. M. KeMey, 
1967), 17-36. 



14 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



6. Frank CasseU, Merchant Congressman in the Young Republic: Samuel Smith of Maryland, 
1752-1839 (Ma*WMte ¥i#(^ty liiBe^^ 1971), 35-40; Oham, Mskmme, 
13-15. 

7. B^rens, Paper Money in Maryland, 59-87; Browne, Baltimore in the Nation, 8-97. Prior 
to the Revolution all of the colonies reckc»wiiiAiir circulating medium in the English style 
of pounds, shillings, and pence. The system was confusing, however, in that there was no 
equivalency. Colonial ratings of a pound were not in accord with one another, nor with 
the actual value of the English pound, sterling. ASter independence, thk cenfusion was re- 
solved by denomination of the "dollar" {ha$(^ <m0»^ concrete metallic value of the Span- 
ish silver dollar) as the basic unit of American currency. In Maryland the legal rating of the 
dollar was 7 shillings and 6 pence. See Carothers, Fractional Money, 21, 37-45. 

8. Sidney Homer, A History Interm MMm j(New IniBSwkk, N.J.: Rutgers University 
Press, 1963), 274-279; A. Barton Hepburn, A History of Currency in the United States (New 
York: Macmillan Co., 1915), 1-12. 

9. Carothers, Fractional Money, 21, 37—45. 

10. Ibid., 37-45; Behrens, Paper Money in Maryland, 59-67; Md. Laws (February) 1777. 

1 1. Behrens, Paper Money in Maryland, 59-67. 

12. Md. Laws (June) 1780, ch. viii, ch. xxviii; Behrens, Paper Money in Maryland, 58-68. 

13. Md. Laws (June) 1780, ch. viii, ch. xxiv, ch. xxviii; Behrens, Paper Money in Maryland, 
68-70. 

14. Baltimore Advertiser, August 20, 1773, reproduced in "Christopher Hughes," Dielman- 
Hayward File, Maryland Historic^ Society; Scharf, History, 1:81. 

15. Behrens, Paper Money in Maryland, 78. 

16. Olson, Baltimore, 25. 

17. Md. Laws (November) 1784, ch. xviii; Browne vs. Kennedy, 5 H & J 195, 197-199 
(Md. 1821). Scharf dates the diversion of the Jones Falls to 1781 but the 1786 date from 
Browne seems more reliable. Scharf, Chronicles of Baltimore (Baltimore: Turnbull Broth- 
ers, 1874) 1:61-63. 

18. Raphael Semmes, Baltimore as Seen by Visitors: 1783-1860 (Baltimore: Maryland His- 
torical Society, 1953), 26. When Chancellor James Kent, a distinguished jurist from New 
York, visited in 1793, he estimated that the harbor was only five or six feet deep. 

19. Cassell, Merc/!fl«f Congressman, 4-11, 35-40; Olson, Baltimore, 13-15; Scharf, Chron- 
icles, 1:52-53, 56-57. 

20. Gist's Inspection had originally been patented to Richard Gist in 1732. Giraud's Lessee 
vs. Hughes, 1 G & J. 249, 250-254 (Md. 1829). 

21.1bid., 249, 250-254. 

22. Porter to Hi^ies, BaMmoie Cotinty Land Records (Deeds) Liber WG no. K, folio 3 

(Maryland State Archives); Hughes to Harbaugh, Baltimore County Land Records 
(Deeds) Liber WG no. L, folio 500 (Maryland State Archives). 

23. Giraud's Lessee vs. Hughes, 1 G. 8c J., 249, 252-255 (Md. 1829); The Maryland Journal 
and Baltimore Advertiser, December 14 8c 24, 1789. Among the sublessees were Samuel 
Owens, George Range, Abraham Larseb, George Dagan, Philip Bear, Peter Birkman, and 
William Bayley. 

24. Behrens, Paper Money in Maryland, 68-87. 



The Carpenter and the Crocodile 



15 



25. Md. Laws (November) 1785, ch. Iv. 

26. Browne, Baltimore in the Nation, 12; Homer, A History of Interest Rates, 278; Behrens, 
Paper Money in Maryland, 78-87. 

IJ. The Mmyiand fOUrn^ mi IMtimore Advertiser, December 14, 1789. There was an in- 
vestment lesson to be learned. Long-term ground leases were essentially purchase money 
mortgages. The rents were a fixed-rate obligation for ninety-nine years. In times of infla- 
tion the debtor benefited, but in times of deflation the debtor suffered: each payment was 
more onerojis and there was no prepayment privilege. 

28. The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, December 11 and 14, 1789; Scharf, 
Chronicles, 1:81-82. 

29. The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, December 24, 1789. 

30. Ibid., December 24 and 31, 1789. 

31. "Christopher Hughes," Dielman-Hayward File, Maryland Historical Society^, Antiques, 
42 (1942), 325. 

32. *T[%e ittoTC things change the more they remain the same." Alphonse Karr, Les Guepes 
(1849), in Bartlett's Familiar Quotations (16th ed., 1992), 443:19. 

33. Ralph Waldo Emerson, Essays, First Series (1841), in Bartlett's Familiar Quotations_ 
(16th ed., 1992), 432:8 



16 



Maryland Hislmrical Magazine 




The capture of John Wilkes Booth and David Herold. A print by Chr. Kimmel & Forster. (Mary- 
land Historical Society.) 



17 



Charles County: 
Confederate Cauldron 

WILLIAM A. TIDWELL 

Notwithstanding the rural isolation and sparse population of Charles 
County, Maryland,^ that county played a unique role throughout the 
Civil War, and many of its people were heavily involved in the investi- 
gations conducted by the federal gefVefMment after the assassination of Abra- 
ham Lincoln. New insight into these matters may be derived from a fresh 
consideration of the residents of the county. 

First the State of Virginia and then the Confederate government maintained 
an organization in Charles CmKrty that transported information, newspapers, 
people, and choice items of materiel to the Confederacy throughout the Civil 
War. The main element of this organization was known as "the Secret Line" 
and was operated by the signal corps of the Confederate army. The function- 
ing of this element has been described in Come Retribution: Confederate Secret 
Service and the Assassination of Lincoln, by the author with James O. Hall and 
David Winfred Gaddy.^ 

In addition to these long-standing arrangements, during the winter of 
1864-65 John Wilkes Booth and his associates organized a route by which 
they planned to bring a hostage Abraham Lincoln to a boat hidden near the 
Potomac for transportation across the river to Virginia. This route led from 
Washington via the Confederate s«is house at Surratt's Tavern in what is now 
Clinton, Maryland, to the crossroads «£TB (which took its name from a colo- 
nial boundary marker) where the route turned to the west and, passing below 
Piscataway, turned south into Charles County through Pomonkey and Bumpy 
Oak to the vicinity of Nanjemoy Creek, where the boat lay hidden.^ The route 
was designed to avoid the town of Piscataway which was frequented by Union 
soldiers. 

A third Confederate operation was a communications network established 
by Captain Thomas Nelson Conrad from a base on the Potomac shore in 
western King George Gosumty, Vii^Ma, through Charles County, into Wash- 
ington. This network appeared to support the clandestine Confederate opera- 
tions unit in Washington, of which Booth's operation was a part. 

When we examine the nature of Aesc Confederate activities from the aspect 
of the citizens of Charles County, it becomes clear that a large number of indi- 

William A. Tidwell, a retired intelligence officer, is author o/April '65: Confederate 
Covert Action in the American Civil War. 

MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE, VOL. 91, NO. 1, SPRING 1996 




Maryland Historical Magazine 



Samuel Cox, prominent Charles Countian 
and Confederate sympathizer. (The Surratt 
Society.) 



viduals with ties of kinship, friendship, and past association were involved in 
one way or another with secret work in support of the Confederacy, forming 
what amounted to an amotpho^S Cotifederate underground. 

Judgissgnd Jurors 

The single annual activity on which the entire population of Charles County 
seemed to focus was the county fair, usually conducted by the Charles County 
Agricultural Society in early November of each year. Nearly all of the leading 
people in the county took part in this activity by helping to organize it, by act- 
ing as judges in the various competitions, or by entering their own products m 
the competitions. 

There were numerous other factors that brought the most active citizens of 
the county into almost continuous contact. The practice of religion was one 
such cohesive force. Many of the citizens of Charles County were Catholics, 
and churches such as St. Mary's near Bryantown and St. Ignatius at Chapel 
Point, below Port Tobacco, were leading centers of social interaction. There 
was also a Jockey Club, which sponsored horse races that were popular with 
the gentry. At least two militia units, one mounted and one infantry, involved 
many citizens. The units had checkered histories — ^being very active on some 
occasions and quiescent at others — ^but interest in them ittereased dramatically 
as the prospect of civil war arose. From time to time there were concerns 
about the behavior of the black population in the county, and special patrols 
were organized to ensure public order. Many of the people involved in these 
patrols also took part in the militia activity. 



Charles County: Confederate Cauldron 



19 



An important concern of the substantial men in the community was service 
on the grand jury or petit jury. The same leading citizens appeared on these 
panels year after year. In addition to such public service there was considerable 
political activity. Both Democratic and Whig organizations existed in the 
county. After the Whig Vrnty was *^kced in the national arena by the Repub- 
lican Party, many of the Charles County Whigs moved into the Democratic 
Party. In the election of 1860 the county voted almost entirely for either 
Stephen A. Douglas or John C. Breckinridge, the two Democratic candidates. 

In summary, a §m(p ©f *& iwee hundred people took a leading part in 
nearly all of the public activities in the county. They all knew each other, and 
many were related by blood. From this close association came the personnel 
who operated various clandestine Confederate activities in the county. The 
importance of this group to Confederate operations is illustrated by the exam- 
ples that follow. 

On the night of April 15/16, 1865, John Wilkes Booth and his companion 
David Herold sought the assistance of Samuel Cox, a wealthy planter who 
lived near the present village of Bel Alton in the southern part of Charles 
County. In Cox they were consulting one of the county's most prominent fig- 
ures and a dedicated supporter of the Confederacy. For years. Cox had served 
on several grand and petit juries, acted as executor for the estates of a number 
of deceased people or minors, served as a leader of the Whig Party in the 
county, as an officer of the Charles County Agricultural Association, and as 
judge at numerous county fairs. He also had headed citizen patrols that po- 
liced the county roads at night and had been president of the Charles County 
Jockey Club. 

In 1854, Cox had been captain of Company I of the 1st Regiment of Militia; 
again, when a company of mounted volunteers was organized in December 
1859, Cox was dected captain. Ih hpA 1161 tht mounted tetenteers prepared 
to support the Confederacy, but when Maryland was occupied by federal 
troops, the unit was disbanded.'^ 

In June 1861 the federal government sent a unit of one hundred soldiers to 
search for weapons fsswed to Ae iflicmWted vdtinteers and b^ieved to be hid- 
den on Cox's property.^ This probably ended the effort to organize a Confed- 
erate unit in Charles County. Unfortunately, the newspaper published at Port 
Tobacco was suppressed during much of the war and copies of other issues are 
missing. As a result we kftoW HWe *«Mt what Cox and oAer cMzens did be- 
tween 1861 and 1865. Some information has survived, however; Cox was re- 
puted to be able to help people across the Potomac. At one point he fled to 
Virginia for a time to avoid arrest by Union authorities. On his way back to 
Maryland he visited the home of Dr. Miih^ Henry Stuart In Kffig George 
County, Virginia.^ Dr. Stuart would later provide assistance to John Wilkes 
Booth after he reached Virginia. 




Maryland Historicd Magazine 



John J. Hughes fed Booth and Herold be- 
fore they crossed the Potomac into Virginia. 
(The Surratt Soci^.) 



Kith and Kin 

From what we know of Samuel Cox, it is reasonable to conclude not only 
that he was a leading citizen of Charles County but that he may have been the 
most prominent of those with Confederate sympathies. As such he was un- 
doubtedly aware of all the major clandestine Confederate operations in the 
county — not necessarily in detail, but at least to the extent of knowing they 
were occurring and the identities of some of the persons involved. His links to 
some of those individuals are quite clear. 

Thomas A. Jones, Cox's foster brother, was the chief mail agent for the Se- 
cret Lines on the Maryland side of the Potomac7 Jones was a farmer and fish- 
erman who had worked with Cox on Whig Party affairs, and had served as a 
constable in the second election district^ and as a member of a petit and a 
grand jury. By 1857 he had switched to the Democratic Party, possibly under 
the influence of Major Roderick G. Watson, a wealthy neighbor on the bank of 
the Potomac River. In December 1860, it was announced that at a meeting at 
Allen's Fresh for the organization of a permanent rifle company, Jones had 
been appointed a 4th Lieutenant. In early 1861 he signed a letter, also signed 
by Cox, Watson, and others, expressing hostility to the incoming Republican 
administration.^ 

In the early months of the Civil War, Jones helped a large number of peo- 
ple cross the Potomac, including Major William Norris, who became chief of 
the Signal and Secret Service Bureau in the Confederate War Department. He 
also delivered newspapers and mail to Richmond. On returning from one of 
these trips in September 1861, he was arrested by Union authorities and 



Charles County: Confederate Cauldron 



21 



Thomas A. Jones of Charles County served the Con- 
federacy as a mail agent and helped ferry Booth and 
Herold across the Potomac. (The Surratt Society.) 




jailed in the Old Capitol Prison in Washington. There he made the acquain- 
tance of Rose Greenhow, an agent of the large espionage operation organized 
in Washington by Colonel Thomas Jordan of the Virginia (later Confederate) 
army. He also met Virginia Baxley and Augusta Morris, who were engaged in 

similar activities. 

Other friends among the prison population included Benjamin Gwin Harris 
of St. Mary's County and George Dent, another of Jones's neighbors on the Po- 
tomac shore. Harris was later elected to the U.S. Congress to represent south- 
ern Maryland, but near the end of the war was convicted of hiding two 
Confederate soldiers.^^ Dent and Samuel Cox had many associations in Charles 
County, having served on the same juries and worked together in Whig affairs 
and other activities. They had also served as justices of the same magistrates 
court. Later Dent and several of his relatives were involved in the operation of 
the Secret Line.^' 

Jones was released from prison in the spring of 1862, and was later visited 
by Ben Grimes, who lived across the Potomac in King George County. Grimes 
had been sent by Major Norris to recruit Jones into the Secret Line on the 
grounds that "nowhere on the river was there a better location for a signal sta- 
tion than the bluffs near Pope's Creek, or a more suitable place for putting 
mail across the river than off [Jones's] shore." After some negotiation. Major 
Norris visited Jones in person and agreed that he should be in full charge of 
the ferry and the agents in Maryland. Jones continued in this capacity 
throughout the war and ended his service by putting John Wilkes Booth and 
David Herold in a boat to cross the Potomac. 



22 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



During Jones's stay in prison, his neighbor. Major Roderick Watson, died 
on November 8, 1861. Watson had been a leading citizen of Charles County 
for many years — almost as active as Samuel Cox, and involved in many of the 
same activities. For example, he succeeded Cox as president of the Jockey 
Club. Watson left behind sevefsd dhildren, two of whom are known to have 
continued their father's involvement in pro-Confederate activity. His daughter 
Mary worked with Jones in watching for Union gunboats on the Potomac and 
manipulating the window shades in the Watson home to signal to the Virginia 
shore when gunboats were in sight.^^ Ii».««ttJloderidc D. Watson was active 
in the summer of 1861 in arranging for Cenfederate-bound mail to cross the 
Potomac. On March 19, 1865, Roderick wrote to Booth's associate John Har- 
rison Surratt, summoning Surratt to a meeting in New York. Not all of 
Roderick's activities during the war are known, but he was under suspicion as 
a Confederate agent in New York in 1864 and was obviously involved in clan- 
destine Confederate activity. ^'^ 

When Major Watson was president of the Jockey Club, his first vice-president 
was Peregrine Davis, another of the leading citizens of Charles County. Davis 
owned the Indian King Hotel in Port Tobacco and had been active in state poli- 
tics as well as serving on juries and as a justice of the peace. He had also been ac- 
tive in the Charles County Agricultural Society. On October 25, 1855, Davis's 
dam^iter Victorine married Colonel John J. Hughes. The couple lived on Davis's 
property at Indiantown near the shores of Nanjemoy Creek. While the operation 
to capture Lincoln as a hostage was active in the winter of 1865, Booth's associates 
hid a large boat on King's Creek, a nearby tributary of Nanjemoy Creek. Booth's 
associate David Herold knew Davis, and Booth asked his associate, George Atz- 
erodt, for instructions concerning the route to Indiantown. Later, after the assas- 
sination, when Booth and Herold were on their flight firom Maryland to Virginia, 
they took refuge in Nanjemoy Creek and were fed by Colonel Hughes. ^ ^ 

Hughes was a lawyer, widely kn®wn in Charles County in his own right. In 
1852 he helped to manage a party benefit for St. Ignatius Church at Chapel 
Point. In 1853 a Whig convention at Port Tobacco included Hughes,. Samuel 
Cox, George Dent, Thomas A. Jones and Roderick G. Watson. One result of the 
convention was Hughes's election to a four-year term to the state legislature. 

On April 27, 1854 the Port Tobacco newspaper carried the news that 
Hughes had been commissioned as lieutenant colonel of the 43rd Regiment of 
Maryland Militia. Hughes had been a member of the Port Tobacco Debating 
Club, and in 1857 he was elected a register of wills along with James L. 
Brawner, who sold a boat to John Wilkes Booth, and Jeremiah Dyer, brother- 
in-law of Dr. Samuel A. Mudd, who set Booth's broken leg after the assassina- 
tion. Hughes was also serving as secretary of the board of school 
commi^oners — a position he held as late as 1862. In 1860 he was recording 
secretary of the Charles County Agricultural Society while Samuel Cox was 
one of the vice presidents of the society. 



Charles County: Confederate Cauldron 



23 



Dr. Samuel A. Mudd was sketched during the 
trial of the Lincoln assassins by Major General 
Lew Wallace (future author o/Ben-Hur). 




In November 1861, Peregrine Davis was elected to the Maryland House of 
Delegates.^'' He had previously been an election judge, and served on a Demo- 
cratic Party committee that selected delegates from the second ekcterd dis- 
trict. One of those selected was R. G. Watson. Also attending the meeting from 
other districts were Thomas A. Jones and Doctor William Queen, the man to 
whom John Wilkes Booth was later sent by Confederates in Canada for help in 
organizing the plan to capture Lincoln as a hostage. 

A surviving Confederate cipher message gives the name of Captain William 
Sheirburn of Newport in Charles County as a reliable person to contact. 
Sheirburn operated a small fleet of boats in the Potomac and Patuxent rivers 
and had a license as a tavern keeper. In December 1858, a group of ten Charles 
County residents issued challenges to similar groups in neighboring counties 
for a pigeon-shooting competition. Among the group were Samuel Cox, 
Sheirburn, and Charles Yates. George Atzerodt, an associate of John Wilkes 
Booth, stated in one of his interrogations that Yates was involved in the plan 
to capture Lincoln as a hostage. ^'^ The allegation does not seem to have been 
investigated — possibly because the Union authorities had no other informa- 
tion about Yates. It is possible, however, that Yates was involved in the organ- 
ized escape route for Booth through western Charles County. A Mrs. Jane 
Yates died in Pomonkey in January 1858 at age ninety-two. She may have been 
a relative of Charles Yates, indicating his association with the area. 

In 1857 Sheirburn was elected a justice of the peace in the same dection that 
chose John J. Hughes, Jeremiah Dyer, and James L. Brawner as registers of 
wills. Sheirburn was reelected in 1861. 

About nine o'clock on the night of April 15, 1865, the day after the assassi- 



24 



Maryland Historical Magazine 




Booth shot President Lincoln shortly after 10 p.m. on April 14, 1965. Mis intended escape route 

through southern Maryland is shown by the broken line. Because he broke a bone in his leg leaping 
to the stage of Ford's Theater after the assassination, he changed his route and sought the assistance 
of Dr. Samuel A. Mudd. The route he actually followed is shown by the solid line. There is a gap of 
three hours not accounted for in the records of Booth's escape. (Map by the author.) 



Chmies County: Confederate Cauldron 



25 



nation, John Wilkes Booth stopped at the home of Oswell Swan, a black man 
who lived southeast of Bryantown. Booth sought guidance to Samuel Cox's 
home, but Cox was a second choice. First, Booth asked to be taken to the 
home of William E. Burtles south of Bryantown. Burtles was a successful 
farmer who in January lS6f km& iiMWPiii -gH a committee to report the business 
and resolutions of a convention of Charles County residents. Cox was also a 
member of the committee. In March 1857, Burtles had advertised for seine 
haulers for a fishery on Pomonkey Neck in the northwestern part of Charles 
County. Earlier he had served on a commission to ei^iluate estates. His wife 
had died in 1854, leaving three sons and a daughter. In 1852 he was on a list of 
justices of the peace that included Peregrine Davis. In 1846 he was on a list of 
justices of the peace that included Stoughton Dent (who served on the Secret 
Line), George Dent, and Sammel Cox.^^ 

Judging from Burtles's association with Pomonkey Neck, he may well have 
come in contact with Booth's group during the organization of the escape 
route through Pomonkey, and the timing of Booth's request to see him sug- 
gests that Burtles may have been involved in helping Booth during his escape. 

The Mudd Connection 

Another Charles County man sometimes seen in association with Samuel 
Cox was Henry L. Mudd, the father of Doctor Samuel A. Mudd. Henry Mudd 
and Cox had served on the same juries and worked in the same county fairs. 
In I860 the senior Mudd acted as a judge for jacks and mules while Cox 
owned horses, jacks, and mules. Others active in the same county fair were 
Cox, Peregrine Davis, John J. Hughes, R. G. Watson, George Dent, and James 
L. Brawner.^^ Henry Mudd also served with Doctor William Queen as a trus- 
tee of St. Mary's Church.^^ 

In addition to the connections by association set out above, there were 
many family relationships. For example, the Mudd family was related to the 
Reeves, Dyers, Gardiners, Boarmans, Edelens, Poseys, and Clarkes.^^ More- 
over, there was almost unanimous feeling among these families about the is- 
sues of I860. On December 20, 1860, the Port Tobacco newspaper reported a 
meeting in Middletown that discussed a "plan of action to be pursued in rela- 
tion to those who voted for Lincoln and Hamlin." A committee was appointed 
to give notice to one of the parties, "a Black Republican emissary," to leave the 
county by the coming new year.^^ 

There was such cohesion by association, kinship, and political view among 
the white popuktion in Charles Coui^ tJuit little effort wm required on the 
part of the Confederates to create the clandestine activities that were needed to 
support their various projects. It seems clear that all of the white persons di- 
recdy or indirectly in contact with John Wilkes Booth in Charles County knew 
or knew of each other: Doctor William Queen, Booth's initial contact; Queen's 



26 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



sen-iA-laW, John C. Thompson; Thomas H. Harbin, former postmaster at 
Bryantown and a member of the secret service of the Confederate War De- 
partment; James L. Brawner, who provided the boat that was to have taken 
Lincoln across the Potomac; Doctor Samuel Mudd, who introduced Booth to 
others in Charles County aiid'tite %'repoTted to have stored food and liquor 
in support of the operation to abduct Lincoln; William Gardiner, from whom 
Booth bought a horse; William E. Burtles, who may have tried to put Booth in 
contact with a Confederate reception party; Samuel Cox who turned Booth 
over to the care of Thomas A. foncs; frariMfn Robey, who hid Booth initially; 
Thomas A. Jones, who fed Booth in hiding and gave him a boat for cr^si^ 
the Potomac; and John J. Hughes, who fed Booth when his first attempt at 
crossing the Potomac failed. In the aftermath of the assassination, many of 
them tried to minimize their involvement, but we can be sure that during the 
war, when they were supporting a cause in which they all believed, their coop- 
eration would have been readily given. 

All of these men were loyal to the Confederacy and to their Charles County 
neighbors. In April 1865 they conducted themselves in such a way as to pro- 
tect the trail of John Wilkes Booth and their associates in the various clandes- 
tine Confederate operations. Doctor Samuel Mudd, for example, told his 
Union interrogators that Booth had inquired about Parson Wilmer and that 
he had left the Mudd home to go west into Zekiah Swamp. Wllmer's church 
was west of the swamp. Wilmer, however, was known to be pro-Union, and it 
has been clearly established that Booth traveled to the east of Bryantown and 
did not enter Zekiah swamp. Mudd deliberately mislead his interrogators. 
Postwar attempts by residents of Charks County to deny involvement with 
clandestine activities of the Confederacy clearly were self-serving in a radically 
changed political atmosphere. 



NOTES 



1. The census of 1850 listed 1,135 households in the county. Jack D. Brown, et al., Charles 

County Maryland (Charles County Bicentennial Committee, 1976), 339-376. 

2. William A. Tidwell, et al., Come Retribution: Confederate Secret Service and the Assassina- 
tion of Lincoln ((Mord: University Press of Mi^isMppi, 1988). 

3. Statement by George Atzerodt made on April 25, 1865. Reprinted in From War Depart- 
ment Files published by the Surratt Society of Clinton, Maryland, in 1980, 69. 

4. Erick F. Davis, "The Charles County Mounted Volunteers," Surratt Society News, VI, 4 
(April) 1981. 

5. Roberta J. Wearmouth, Abstracts from the Port Tobacco Times and Charles County Ad- 
vertiser (3 vols.; Bowie, Md: Heritage Books Inc., 1991) 2:136. 

6. National Archives, M-599, reel 6, frame 02G5. 



Charles County: Cmfederate Cauldron 



27 



7. Thomas A. Jones, John WUkes Boo^ {(Mc»^: Laird and Lee, 1893), 24-25, 66-67. 

8. There were four election districts in Charles County; Aliens Fresh was district number 1 
including the southern part of the county east of Port Tobacco, Hill Top was district 
mrmW 2, xSOBtateing most of Charles County west of Port Tobacc©, Pact Tdjacco was 
district number 3, including the town and the county north of the town, Bryantown was 
district number 4, including the eastern part of the county. 

9. Wearmouth, Abstracts, 2:128 

10. Jones, John Wilkes Booth, 20-22; Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 
1774-1971 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing OfSce, 1971). 

11. Wearmouth, Abstracts, vols. I and II, passim. 

12. Jones, John Wilkes Booth, 23-25, 101-111. 

13. Ibid., 26-27. 

14. Tidwell, et al., Come Retriby^m, iS. 

15. Ibid., 339, 454-455. 

16. Wearmouth, Afcstrart.^ 1:1^ 

17. Ibid., 2:142. 

18. Ibid., 2:50. 

19. David Winfired Gaddy, "Secret Communications of a Confederate Navy Agent," Manu- 
scripts, XXX, 1 (Winter 1978): 49-55; "A Confederate Agent Unmasked: An Afterword," 

Manuscripts, XXX, 2 (Spring 1978): 94. 

20. Photocopy of statement of George A. Atzerodt to Provost Marshal James L. McPhail 
and John L. Smith on May 1, 1865. The original is now in private hands. 

21. Wearmouth, Abstracts, vols. I 8c 11, passim. 

22. Ibid., 2:120-121. 

23. Samuel Carter III, The Riddle of Dr. Mudd (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1974), 13. 

24. Ibid., 24-25. 

25. Wearmouth, Afotrflct^ 2:125. 



28 



Maryland Historical Magazine 




Newspaper photograph of Louise MaUoy, BMmore's first woman journalist, reproduced here front 

the Baltimore American. Malloy worked for thirty years on the newspaper staff and used her posi- 
tion to promote social reform, including a juvenile court system and modernization of the fire de- 
partment. (Maryland Historical Society, MS. 556.) 



29 



Malloy of the American: 

Bdlteijea^^^'^i Pioneer 

Woman Journalist 

AGNES HOOPER GOTTLIEB 

Louise MaDoy's career as a woman joemadist in Baltimore began as an ex- 
periment. In 1886, the publisher of the Baltimore American was per- 
suaded to hire a woman as a staff writer, a previously unthinkable 
position for a woman in Baltimore. But the experiment succeeded and Malloy 
worked at the ite^i^per ft^e Aan <d(ecades as drama critic, chil- 
dren's page editor, humor columnist, editorial Wriitr -wnd, most signifi^wilSy, 
as a social reformer and advocate for the city. 

Malloy joined other female writers of her time in urging women to expand 
their Wft^^»ftl "sf^here" to mdlM^'mW^Mspd. di&res th»t would hd^ clean 
up the cities. Women responded by becoming involved in reform activities 
that improved the lives of city residents, especially women and children. They 
built parks, established libraries, and opened kindergartens and orphanages. 
Reformers and the wtit»# Mke LMise Malloy v*o promotei #lis path for 
women adhered to the tenet that a woman's place was in the home, but be- 
lieved that the home was more than just the four walls that provided shelter. 
The home, they asserted, was the city in which they litid. tt wis a womanly 
duty, therefore, to keep the city dean an4 pf^ttct the lives of their families and 
the city's children. 

Some women writers advocated these municipal housekeeping reforms on a 
national scale. Though Malloy nev^ atliined a national forum aaid limited her 
concerns to her own city, she proiridi^ an interesting eSmn^e of the kind of 
local reform activities journaUsts promoted in their communities in the late 
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the so-called Progressive Era. In Bal- 
timore, Malloy consistently used her pen and abilities to advocate change in 
her city. She wrote articles and editorials that helped plant the idea of a juve- 
nile court in the minds of the citizens of Baltimore and staunchly advocated an 
improved fire department. In the wake of the 1904 fire that nearly destroyed 
the city, she insisted that a first-rate fire department was one of the most im- 
portant goals of city gcwra^mient. 

In addition to her accomplishments in journalism, Malloy taught writing, 
authored plays that appeared on Broadway, published poetry, and penned an 
opera libretto and song lyrics. 

Dr. Gottlieb teaches journalism atSeton Hall University. 

MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE, VOL. 91, NO. 1, SPRING 1996 



30 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



A Compassionate Home 

Marie Louisa Malloy was born in Baltimore on December 12, 1858, the first 
daughter of two Baltimore natives, John and Frances (Fannie) SoUers Malloy. 
Her paternal grandparents had emigrated from Ireland and settled in Balti- 
more where her grandfather became a prominent merchant. John, a bank 
clerk, and Fannie married in 1856. The follo^mi^ year, Fannie gave birth to 
their son, Charles M. Marie Louisa arrived fiftem months later and Mary, 
born in November 1861, was the baby of the family.^ 

Although christened Marie Louisa, Malloy never used her first name, per- 
haps to confusioH swith Iwr sieier. AM mn^tn recoids ^^r to "Louise 
Malloy," which also was the byline under which she penned most of her 
works. Intimates referred to her by the nickname "Loulie."^ 

Malloy grew up in a family tradition of helping, and this nurtured the re- 
form s|?irit that characterized her kisflr iMiwS|f»per work. Whan she -was a girl, 
her father once saw a young Irish woman standing on the docks in Baltimore 
crying. She had just arrived in America and had nowhere to go. John Malloy 
took the immigrant to his home and She lived there as a domestic and eventu- 
ally as part of the family for the rest of her life.' In later years, Louise and her 
sister often entertained the neighborhood children aiid worked at their 
church.'* 

Like other nineteenth-cefiimy women vAio found a niche in journalism, 
Malloy decided as a child that Ae wanted a literary career.^ In fact, she 
dreamed of working on a newspaper, but feared that it was an impossible 
goal.^ While other women Uke Malloy sought income through fiction writing 
and correspondence for newspapers, Malloy, in feet, realized her dream and 
succeeded as a dramatist and journalist. 

Malloy and her sister studied at the Academy of the Visitation, a promi- 
nent finishing school for Catholic girls located in a convent in the heart of 
Baltimore. After completing her aiiacation, she set about getting herself a job 
on a newspaper — a formidable, and previously unheard of, task for a woman 
in working-class Baltimore. She secured her job through the intercession of 
John T. Ford, manager of theaters in Baltimore as well as Washington and a 
p&cmmal friend who admired her ability sad originality. Ford persuaded the 
publisher of the American, General Felix Agnus, to take a chance on hiring a 
woman. Malloy's first assignment appears to have been a test of her resource- 
fulness: she was told to take a walk on a main street in Baltimore's business 
district and to write what she saw, including an account of the weather.'^ 
Whether the editor meant to thwart her career as a writer with such an amor- 
phous assignment is unclear, but the article she turned in secured her position. 
Thus began her career as a journalist in Baltimore. 

Malloy had ^eat kteway in her writk^. Mde editors often pve women on staCf 
a free hand to write as they pleased; prot«bly they abhorred treating "ladies" like 




Malloy of the American 



Felix Agnus, publisher of the Baltimore 
American, hired Malloy at the request of 
theater producer John T. Ford. (The Balti- 
more American Anniversary and Jubilee 
Edition [Baltimore: Charles C. Fulton & Co., 
1905].) 



their male counterparts and were loathe to involve themselves in the women's 
work.^ When Agnus told her to "look around and make a place for yourself," 
she established a women's department, "Facts and Fancies." She also hfegan 
writing a humor column and set up a Sunday department.^ This was at a time 
when newspaper editors established women's pages to lure department store 
advertising dollars aimed at women. Malloy also wrote human interest fea- 
tures, teterviewing such high-profile Marylanders as the wife of Frank Brown, 
governor of Maryland in 1892-1896, and Mayor E. Clay Timanus, the Repub- 
lican reformer who took over the office when Mayor Robert McLane died in 
1904.^^ The interview with the state's first lady was, in fact, Malloy's first fea- 
ture. Govemor Brown walked in during the interview "and laughin^y ofe- 
served that his wife looked scared to death, for the interview was her first one 
as well."^^ In the Timanus article, Malloy described how difficult it was for a 
woman to pursue the task of getting an interview: 

It required some little courage to call it by no harder name to send 
word to the mayor of such a large city as Baltimore that you, 
especially if you are a woman, would like to invade his office, remain 
for the day and see how he does his work, so it was in fear and 
trembling with a very oppressive knowledge of just what it would be 
most natural to think of such a presumptuous person as myself that I 
sent this request to Mayor E. Clay Timanus — and then waited. 



32 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



The result of her petition was a h»lf-p«ge article with several illustrations. 

After a short time on staff, Malloy also assumed the additional assignment 
of drama critic, perhaps because of her clear and abiding interest in the thea- 
ter. During her lifetime she wrote at least fifteen plays, two of which appeared 
on Broadway.^^ Her first play, staged in Baltimore in 1894, premiered about 
the time she was taking on the role of drama critic at the newspaper. 

She stayed at the paper until her retirement, then continued to write long 
after she gave up her daily newspaper careet. i^e penned n"Uitierous fheeknce 
articles during the 1920s and 1930s, many of which appeared in the Baltimore 
Sunday Sun. As late as 1940, when she was eighty^two, her play, The Boy Lin- 
coln, appeared on Broadway. 

Like many other career women of her day, Malloy never married. 
Through 1916, when her father died, the entire family continued to live to- 
gether while Malloy wrote for the American}^ Her brother Charles worked as 
a government bookkeeper and Mary, popularly called Miss Minnie, taught 
musk.^^ Minnie and Charles never married and, except for a brief period 
when Charles worked in Philadelphia, the trio of siblings lived together as a 
family even after the deaths of their parents. Louise outlived her entire family. 
Charles died in 1934 and Mary died three years later.'^'^ After her sister died, 
Malloy went to live with a fi-iend and then, when her health failed, she moved 
to a nursing home, where she died on February 25, \9A7?^ Malloy 's obituaries 
say there were no survivors but that shortly before her death she lived with 
Catherine Murphy.^'^ Their relationship is unclear. 

Mtlk^ and her iMitiy were devout Catholics. Her paternal grandfather 
helped found St. Patrick's Church, where Malloy was baptized.^^ Sister Minnie 
played the organ at St. Leo's Church in Baltimore for fifty years.^^ 

Malloy often wrote on Catholic themes and evidently traveled to Rome to 
attend the canonization of Joan of Arc. In her twenty-^iwe-page pamphlet. 
The Life Story of Mother Seton, published in 1924, Malloy wrote about the 
hope that Mother Seton would someday be canonized as the first native-born 
American saint. "Those who attended the canonization of Joan of Arc at Rome 
in 1920 will not ieon fei^et ifee magii i fia aMe of tiie spectacle and thriiin^ 
impressiveness of this rare and beautiful ceremony," she wrote,^^ She then of- 
fered, in what can only be an eye-witness description, the details of the event. 

Malloy wrote other profiles of tiw saints and some of her w®rks appeared in 
the Catholic press, although it was not her main outlet for publication. These 
writings and other manuscripts that are among her papers underscore Mal- 
loy's interest in history. She wrote about the fifth Lord Baltimore in an article, 
"A Forgotten Love Stoty," m^t M^ffjMt W^oricd Magatine in 1922.^6 She 
often combined her interest in history with religion and penned many articles 
concerning Catholic saints or events. Her manuscript collection at the Univer- 
sity of Maryland includes dozens of historical and religious articles, among 
them "Assisi," "The Baby Czar of Russia," "Concerning the Antipopes," "The 



Malloy of the American 



33 



Election and Coronation of the Popes," and "The French Clergy in England." 

Rarely relying on quotations or attribution to the work of others, Malloy's 
historical writing gives the impression that she considered herself an historical 
novelist as well as a journalist. She wrote in a chatty way, often citing conver- 
sations between historical figures, yet never saying how or from where slWiiKi- 
earthed exact quotes. So it appears that she fictionalized.'^'' 

She also wrote a regular feature for the American about motor jaunts in 
Maryland and day trips by auto firom Baltimore. After leaving a daily newspa- 
per career, sometime in the 1920s, Louise turned her attention to her free-lance 
writing and tried her hand at short story writing. Although her papers include a 
Stack of twenty-eight short stories, there is no evidence that any were published. 
In the 1920s, she taught English at the Calvert Business College,^^ and in the 
1930s she published at least one song that was performed on the radio.^^ 

Typical of the women journalists of her time, Malloy also joined women's 
clubs. She helped found the Women's Literary Club of Baltimore, which began 
in 1890, and she continued her club membership throughout her life.^^ The 
group, the first of its kind in Baltimore, actually opposed reform work by 
women's clubs and, in its earUest days, confined itself strictly to educating its 
members through literary pursuits and encouraging them to publish books, 
articles, and essays.^^ By the 1894-95 club season, however, the club had 
moved beyond simply discussing literature. We may suppose that Malloy had 
a hand in the change. The January 1895 program, for example, called for Mal- 
loy to discuss education and share the podium with the principal of the train- 
ing school for kindergarten teachers.^^ 

Malloy also became active in the Baltimore branch of the National League 
of American Pen Women. She served as the president of the club from 1 926 to 
1928. The organization honored her in 1939 for her contributions to journal- 
ism in the city.^^ 

Neighbors of the Malloys remembered long after their deaths how the two 
sisters entertained children, looked after stray animals, and performed charita- 
ble works. But perhaps more memorably, neighbors recalled their eccentric 
style of dress. The two elderly women in the 1930s wore floor-length dresses 
and little black hats perched atop their lMpf,;s!fWdi wmpilfid \3§ &m:^^^r heads 
in nineteenth-century style.^* 

Solid Work, Esch^ni^ ^mts 

The exact date Malloy joined the staff of the American is not known,^^ btit 
at least five sources credit her as the first woman to work on a daily newspaper 
in Baltimore.^^ At the time Malloy joined the American, there was a flurry of 
hiring women in Baltimore and, if indeed Louise was the first woman hired by 
the Dcwspi^ers, ^le unique only for a short time. By the end of the 1880s, 
more than a few women had joined the city press. MoUie Irene Cook, a stunt 



34 



Maryland Hi^orktd Magazine 



Mue Ridge Summit Tour 

Is Fairyland of Scenery 

1 Quaint Viilage Founded tw' Swiss Settlors, Horseiihoc 
1M Curve and State Sanatorium Are Points of 

Interest to MotoristK on Route, 

n,v i.orrsF >iaixov 

A KlDE into i\xv mountB'mB jKiutuls |n-oiVLi.''i!iK. awi this trip io Blue 
"RidKc Summit ^iitd the Stiite Suiintorium purpasse^ mo.sv prnmises 
in tii(? vital respect that it U k«pl Co the c-y? nnd ta ihe ■ r -.-laUy 
to the oye — for the hosuty for whirii Maryland i,s far i^U^i 
chai'm_as dni" rolls alonp tht^ smooth road;^ of tfie fcrtilF D^to 
the wiiufing' paths which U'nd am into the houft iir th, il: ,,- Kiilge 
MouiUaiii?!, Kspctirtliy <•('-.; ,j lotn h of th»! unusual give zflst tt> the scene 
^'hen after a sjtowfaU ih>: hare lunhs oi" the trees jirc dothed in snoxvy 



■R-hitt!. wish the wHn![^:iU on it u 

plomna lif sihiry Ugttt uiUil ttm 

whole i'*»iiUid« one (if .t in 

tRU-yiund with Uh au7.i=!inc '>r!ll»!in(v 
The romJ whh-h cm*- ir.' 
lesv^H Ih*' <:it5- amfc Its siilm. ~ i.n- i.c 
hind and jji.ion luui h ■ ;r ,;;i.>ny lU" 
^iiunii'v and N'illag-efi nions lUc \v:i- 
affords sUmiisea nuw th- t>>''Uir 
»svpie, ]!t)W ^^f the ti-!.tri»-' "I'-f tt^jiin 
Of the Immofous in its suRRestioiia o( Jti.'*(it..ti..n 
^. , . , , ' niftslunflmK 

t«€ niduen itiimiin life imi.'-ins all nlon*! 



A mill' fr^m i}„< viHiiR** flic KUUo 
Sjitmtoriuju. rvtiUnjr like a foiuosw on 
n fiiur hill slic (■\-i'rlu('kii>K <iH alufut 
if. And it i« ill. !<•(■() a fni-UT'Sf, for il 

i'C fies^h itlr and miHi'-i'n fn-k-rltifir 
i ■ t in>ttf«! ■MiistanlSy itppiMiKt 

l.iitRiiio, Avuf^tirtT liottltlt uTul vifTOr 
fiiit of hts skoi>-'t''(i I'UiicU aiMi wnil' 
in^ tht; ^■it:tims rv^-''U(-'il t'nmi him 
I-M'l! tc the Avurltl "! lif- uad hoiip. 

il is niif of tllf" 
:if ir.e >!t«tc, in 
ttloin<-iu ::i ilsi'lf for it ninsii^lx 



thiM'oulf'. With the Kmart, lU'Wly built (.f about H oi k^i k<-" initMiiiibrw. hi- 

aiuburlis f?o tar bat-K af< lo bu craf: clrnhng eight aocallpti fthac-ks. -whilst 

ticaliy fors^'tieii, one coines uncxpcct- ^^.^ really ruiumodious buildings sur. 

frump bouac-H, httie bet- Totinded hv gi-eut. wide. ouen 

ks. hiOI tumbling over, porches, each havins a capticity o£ 

■'Oh wh)ir> tho !,«*.■'•■ ~ " handsome, r^y^rcadon halM 

holdms m«re r«mru.nis j,,^ ^ Ua rc^.m for 

■arth With tbr mu.ininKi,,.,,,;,,,,^,,,. i.^U.iiou-. whlrh in- 
utly r,-<.vt. hav., H BayiwurlPt; n... J.nu,^ for ilK. nttrwa*. 

iuoU about thcni ua 
i-e»idpnt» wen" dctor ALON*. OOKUK. 

•y life in spltit of dilapi- San-.i^.i-iuMi i- of'^n cHn 

»udO<;n!y Ihei-t.' lorjins ):ioiml;ii- mind with S.i- 

Lf of the- vj!i<i a uiDdr-rn; bUlJi-svill**. \vh?;rcan it is r-,,Ui-,.K' ^..-pw- 
r.!l the fuds und fnlfs of ''"f*' "--^ i'- J' r-nm the vilb,L;«, 

•htt<;'Cture risht up to the ^"^ ''"^ ^ pwirnrfi,;.' nvti iMiiroud 
hmvever arctiaic 1h«. ^'"^ "'^ Jfa name i.t nf 

old stragshnp hwue- fich'iiy du-tn:.! i,« a sotllwiieut of 
e biiok into ycHr« pust* ^'"^ .-^iiujitSan fjoai both u 

nipresent autuuiohite firat-aid hciiHh inul pi- turr..,,t„. HtaiuSmnnt is 
mtutions npver alkm one to fortsH h*- rrn5Urrw.«M-<i Ain^ui i-.iilfway 1,0 liK- 
th« niiddie of hi*;h-L-l«ss civiii- H"»«i^'n'!"i Uu'- routp r)as«i.« nlonff a 
jiioiintaui Kor^d wbos'i steep lianl:? 
riao like waits &?idvo r fiwcc little tor^ 
OIJMrsi-; Ol' MOVXTAI.NS. rrnt whirh V.r.'^k^ Us way hi Khallmv 
thrsii of ihc ride coined with depths over a viaxr. ro-.-ky bottom, 
fjlii^ti'.'^y of th<- mouiuiiiiif, nmiiine u pl-'iir,; whir!h Is a frast for 
mi«ty. tbfi love! fields wvveep- an artisf's ry.-. 

around dn-lr buav. risbiK in Abfu'- is tmlr- r,r\ tho drJ!C(?nf from 
oulUne ^««m8t thfe btUfauUy ^l'" ^Saiuitoninu nmtp iki^fc^ 

of M pc'i-fen day. Xnw it is tim'ush Blur liifi,:;--- Siiiniidt. whoj^p 
down K^iidK. a^i Ihc nwis wind hwnUsomr- h<.hi^^ ^m-l wclLItcpl 
■nv, pss^mg ihruugh Rn!--(lli'r '-^onii.T^ pvooiMim it at r>r:fe as -A sum- 
iCBES, 0)1.. finds oncBfcU in ;h.- '^I'^r 'o^.a t l'>r wenilh i^nd Icffiure, 
KttSe IWrt of Thur. SitUHff'd. WR jJs imin.- iinplifr. m tho 

id ifoiv^s ihvungh lUn strr^fts, nioimtaln ridse. Moir nio-i^ •,, 

nday settletofnte dot the wa.. sionf^ 
UH (HIP compR to OOP ni 'thp most in- 
ier.-;.jfing Maryf'ud villages iu Taucy- 
iTiivn, thP oUU'Kt vilfAffe in Carroll 





:**> by Frptlprl'k 
itrinally frcni Cal- 



|.^T«nnhiff wlUt its npat, vsv of 
vijiht up !jo a ru'umfiUii 
Ph<,- <-;id of tb.- m-'.:i:t with 

rfiUtc in thiK if fat^rlin, -hi- 

<:,f the oaf!*-)«t i.> t--"! \viai a lou h^.,,,..^., „, 

or a Christmas t..y, unhi^o any to b^; j^,^., ^j,,^ ^^^^^ j,.^ 

.xn-^t Plsc^h-'t^. iTom Iburm-jr-t th^,^,_ ^^^^^^^^ d*.«t.-enda 

Vay ser.^ "f thfe UioiintAin^ J ;ns' r P. Tr^npv, tiir famou: 

at>maA\^Il'*. » handsome ^""'"s^ [ jugiice of the United Ktaiof*. 

■ tfd hftn-pf^n twn high mouo'a r>*». 
'in none oi ihr old dc ofl air or' 



'H!.-y a.^ WI5 p;u.'i„f.u-. An old 

fUiM.;- !,n!si<iin^' iifarlMj^- th«^ (fcae of 
!::h; umk nj-f.i ?•! ;i fn..t,,rv f,>,- making 
firf*(rm^, nnil^ arid oUi't ir'iii wary«- 
lh>y J>i;{tmfacrurc Of Vircarru!* bf^u^, 
muit-v Uw super vision of thf n..vfrn ^ 
mt-nt, -n-hi.-h nuitually t in^p.i«'tnrs 
.Ui the f«<-U3ry. ttnd miiriy Rims- 

>V/»VO for !h0 '.'OVt ni :c,it. f 

lu Wu'i-t- d-'iy» or wiinl' ' f / 
;-nd iiuil liin>< \- ,[);, 
hlC" ill i\A inlvifii, V : 
iii a' itioHi IriuRiiablf . 
o)il\- I'TJipnionl of ; 
l('i-y WiiH a itOK" 

wa« tarucd by rin i.id wl ^ .co^iL. 
hoi-ic-. lUti the h( i ^p and 
nUmt- 'u:nif ihv. eu"'^. a 1 u--*.- 
lit'lpcti to make thc^intion Tli.- maji- 
ufat-.loiy ivas evp-ntually burned down."^ 
•uiid nv.'/ ti- icbuiit. tba Government 
' ttansf > -l U;i u-,' !; to Harper's Ferry, 
'ihe 1 ,a jut Taaeytown were 

vt^ry ri.'.'iujly rtitb the settlers, *ind 
no bad l<*eliae and bloody outbieakfj 
marrod thft life there as in ao many 
otiu'i partJi of tbo rountr,\. Ofltn rhe 
i-mi men eoKagtHl in frir niSy lompMi- 
tion Willi tbeir whit*; filcjult, vind u 
is recoi'ded tlial on «Mif 01:1 aKlon in 
H inarksnmnahi)! •r-niifi tli- .•■niijily 
of lead gave out, wht-i pui'.**! •ne nf 
tlie i ndlf« a Icadwa 1 ota nt ocrfd. if 
given means 6£ iran^tortat jop, to 
biiuR a rufficjfut nuantily fi»r ammu- 
nition within an hour. H»» wne sup- 
pHoO "widi a fa.'^t bftrse, and in thP 
tiv'Pn I ime i ai urno I n irli a large 
bunp of Itad. l-Jut lio icfuM-J pttnt 
blank tn tell M-h. -o b- ;:,'t ■ , .-o did 
^hl^ other Indj<in!J, un 
jfalou^-iv fvf»in 111'' \ 
laitfv K'.'Jirchcd oKii'i 
the pvUVnt li'Uil iiom.> 
htKMl. liiil- <.-;v*'! y 'Tr 1-1 
and th(? mine wu,-^ ncv _ . -j 
As the Tsncv faniilv \v»i c d(*vn!i*%l 
CathoUcB* .pjcuMsion waa early" nia(i«J 
"for the religious needs of th« settitra. 
ttn4 lu 1804 a church named 
.)o«eph'a wms built by Prince GaUtzen.- 
a Hussian nobleman who. renounciniji 
wealth and i-ank on hto conversion to 
Catholicl&m, became a priest und yv\Y-\ 
came i<« America as a mtssionary, 
being roverenced as a »aint, hia woik 
being principally d««TfH in rpnnyyi- 
vanla and Maryland, in Tan«>y 
town was iufoi pf ffiffij by tiic i>eei!»' 
latuve as a town it Is of cvi rpLmnal 
iipatness in its appoaranL-o, v 
hnilt. welJ kept imi^ips ird 
of aacicnt decay, dceplic tbp an^ 
of lis origin. 

From Kmmilst'iirF on fnc sof^ 
i tan CO a J-raootli ■-[■n' r^ir 
^rhe uioiPitaint? dii'iiy doanp**!^ 
jih*' inrrwiainpr di^l-ui. ; n.I ibc bnhi'*- 
:l:k*> aspf'i t of f'-' ls anil pf^ar -rnl vit 
j lagfs ugfiin strt-i- hins 
I the wa:/ I&svIj tn ['.iiii-if. 
. In J, pn^'' delisht 
. !h-> .iiiy- the ivt'okl-'UK 
, ■: .'nio!? in(,o %ifW mill 
iiif oiountain? 1w>i'/>ints ^ 

, forgotten ^lugry. 



h i«- linn. Tb< 
Hk-.--n f(i 
ii' ih'' n KbbW" , 
, i liir ri 11 railur*; 
di8-ov(rcd, 1 



irpLinnal 
nOj^^^B 



■ >re nu'torinR 
. . :,i 111" end o' 



irlnn s«fu m nlhcrii. but pretty 



tda^te 

l«ovo!utionary War, and even* 
this viPhk" waa the principal 



of the American 



35 




The predominantly male stajfof the Baltimore American. (The Baltimore American Anniversary 
and Jubilee Edition [Baltimore: Charles C. Fulton & Co., 1905].) 

journalist, performed such feats as riding a balloon over Baltimore for the Bal- 
timore News.^^ May Garrettson Evans, the first woman on the Baltimore Sun 
when she joined the staff in 1888, gained fame because she covered night as- 
signments with her mother as chaperone. The elder Evans waited outside the 
Sun building while young May wrote her stories inside. Eventually, mother 
stayed home and Evans carried a stiletto on her nightly rounds to protect her- 
self from unwanted advances.^^ 

Malloy and contemporaries such as these played a key role in breaking 
down gender barriers against women in journalism in Baltimore, but the city 
was truly behind the times in opening its newsrooms to women. New York pa- 
pers had been hiring women as novelties for many years. In 1880, 288 women 
were numbered among the 12,308 working journalists in the country, but Bal- 
timore could not count a woman in its ranks.^^ 

In 1886, around the time Malloy went to work at the American, the trade 
publication The Journalist estimated that already five hundred women worked 
on the editorial side of the country's newspapers.^*^ Baltimore, then a city of 
more than 400,000 people, treated its women conservatively, perhaps in keep- 
ing vwth its attitudes as a blue-collar, working man's town. When the Balti- 
more American published its souvenir edition in 1894, Malloy still was the only 
woman pictured among the staff photos.'*^ 

The American was the Republican paper in town, not particularly known for 

Opposite: Among Malloy's many journalistic interests were a series of day trips through Maryland, 
all of which could he taken by automobile. (Maryland Historical Society, MS.556.) 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



its reform tendencies. The Baltimore Daily News sounded most of the cries for 
reform in Bahimore. It is in keeping with the conservative nature of the 
American that, instead of all-out calls for reform, the editors chose a woman to 
attack non-controversial, "domestic" issues, including any problem that could 
threaten the home. Malloy's own reform choices — the fire department and the 
juvenile court — were typical municipal housekeeping projects: clearly, fire 
could easily destroy the home and juvenile delinquency could threaten all the 
city's children. 

On a national scale, women of Malloy's time such as Elizabeth Cochrane, 
the New York World's sensational "Nellie BIy," made headlines as stunt jour- 
nalists. These women grabbed headlines through stunts such as posing as a 
mental patient to expose mistreatment of patients, or seeking a job as a seam- 
stress to uncover abuses in factories. Nellie Ely's trip around the world in- 
creased circulation of her own newspaper and became such a news event that 
other newspapers were forced to cover her journey. 

MMloy did not follow tiiis trend. In &ct, ^ never did general assignment 
reporting.^^ She spent her career writing more refined features, removed from 
the daily rough-and-tumble of the newsroom. Her writings indicate a strong 
interest in women's rights, again a typical feature of the journalists drawn to 
municipal housekeeping reforms. But like many other women journalists, 
Malloy refrained from a vigorous campaign for suffrage. There is no evidence 
that she was ever a member of the Baltimore Woman's Suffrage Association. 
She did, however, write accounts of the suffragist movement and a profile of 
Susan B. Anthony. She often wrote about strong womoi who managed great 
accomplishments — the early women pilots, Joan of Arc, Elizabeth Anne Se- 
ton.^^ She also wrote a humor column, a unique job for a woman in the early 
twentieth century when it was generally agreed that women had little or no 
sense of humor.** Mafloy proved them wrong. Her daily humor column, 
"Notes and Notions," appeared under the name "Josh Wink." It included an- 
ecdotes, jokes, and humorous poems and ran for years on page six of the 
American. Other newspapers often quoted tidbits and jokes from it. Although 
readers considered it quite wry and funny in its day,"*^ the humor of the pieces 
has not held up over time. Many of the jokes are lost on us today, to wit: 

The shy damsel whom the unsuspecting youth had taken to the 
restaurant had ordered everything on the menu except bread and 
butter, when she turned to the young man and said: 
"Do you know, I am not one bit hungry." 

The poor man felt the dollar and thirty cents in his vest pocket, 
laughed feebly and inquired: 
"Are you — do you — that is — ate you doing this on a bet?"^ 

In other pieces, her humor, unsophisticated as it may seem today, is still 



Malhy of the Am erican 



37 



evident. "No, indeed," said Ae Eminent Cornetist, when asked if he had been 
educated by some master of the instrument. "I never had a teaci^, ¥«l wi^ght 
say that through all my career I have been my own tooter."^'' 

A newspaper article that probably ran around 1910 noted that Malloy was 
"one of the few women v^l»iMdke a busiiHNt'tiiMii^lamiy. She is said to be a 
healthy, normal sort of woman, who does not pose as a genius and is a hard 
worker.'"*^ Another article, written by another woman journalist, Sadie Miller, 
ran in LesHe's Weekly with a photo of Malloy (interestingly, Malloy also wrote 
a feature about Miller that ran in the American). The latter article, under the 
headline "She is a Genuine Humorist" praised Malloy's talent at making jokes: 
"A woman humorist is a rarity, as the talent for writing jokes is more fre- 
quently found among men than among women and when one of the fair sex 
succeeds in making a reputation as a genuine 'funny woman' it indicates a 
mind of unusual intellectuality.'"*^ 

Miller noted that Malloy's jokes and stories were often copied in other news- 
papers around the country. Aflfittftttion is contained in Malloy's scrapbook col- 
lection, which contains little snippets from numerous newspapers. The article 
also described Malloy herself, noting that she was a "sedate little woman with 
sparkling black eyes and is a most entertaining conversationahst."^'^ 

Although Malloy wrote her humor column and hdd the title of drama 
critic, she, like many other journalists of the era, carried other responsibilities. 
She also held the position of children's page editor. As she attained more pro- 
fessional renown in Baltimore, she became an editorial writer and turned her 
attention to problems in the city. 

In Aid of Reform 

Having created a platform, Malloy now made her biggest impact as a jour- 
nalist: she began advocating reform in Baltimore. She took an active role in 
fostering modernization of the fire department and the establishment of a ju- 
venile court for the city. Contemporary joum«Msts credited her writings with 
sparking a public outcry against sending children to jail and generating inter- 
est in the development of Baltimore's juvenile court.^^ City officials publicly 
praised her work toward improving (he Baltimore Fire Department at the turn 
of the century.^^ Ishbel Ross, in her 1936 chronicle Ladies of the Press, credited 
Malloy with bringing about reform in both these areas. Carroll Dulaney, 
author of the "Baltimore Day by Day" column in the American, claimed Mal- 
loy was "highly instrumental" ifi improving the fire department and abolish- 
ing the practice of jailing children.^^ 

Her dedication to reform also went beyond her writing. She involved herself 
in the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals and the League of 
Women Votere and volunteered as a "friendly visitor" at the city jails. The 
Charity Organization Society, founded in the 1880s, sponsored the "friendly 



38 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



Tisitors" prograM FecwritiBg' wlunteerst© fee^ uplift the (iSf's p0&r?^ 

In advocating changes for Baltimort m « jdarnalist, Malloy showed that she 
truly understood her hometown. Baltimore was, and still is, a working man's 
(and woman's) town — a city of homeowners and blue-collar workers. True, it 
contained a large population of immigrants, following the trend of erttor cit- 
ies, but local folklore had it that to be considered a true Baltimorean, one had 
to have been born there.^^ In 1900, Baltimore's population of 508,957^^ relied 
heavily &tfs -^Sm «s a port. The port had always b«€ir^lie fesd^cwie ®f 

the d^, fcitil% the steel companies, tobacco exported, ^M w^ai refineries. 
Manufacturers located in the city to be near maritime transportation. Factory 
workers, longshoremen, and railroad workers abounded in the town. 

As in many other cities, the waning years of the nineteenth century saw a 
spirit of reform born in Baltimore. Reformers toppled ingrained political or- 
ganizations. Such was the political climate in Baltimore — ripe for the journal- 
istic housekeeping duties of Malloy and others who sought change in the 
status quo. Nttmefous BaltiMw^s participated in this s^dal rcftmn.^^ But 
the first stage in any reform movement was awareness of social ills, and "Balti- 
moreans had to be awakened to the conditions that surrounded them and 
then organized into groups pushing for reform."^^ Progressives successfully 
tapped the ability of journ^Stf ffllS''L&itise Malloy to expose ills, alert readers, 
and challenge government.^^ 

Several organizations played a primary role in effecting change. The Charity 
Organization Society attempted as early as the 1880s to uplift the city's poor 
through donations and one-on-one contact with impoverished families. And, 
like most American cities, Baltimore benefited from tlie activism of its 
women's clubs in the 1890s and later. In 1895, reformers carried Baltimore 
City and state elections, and, almost simultaneously, good government clubs 
began their activist roles.^° The Arundell Good Government Club, the Mary- 
land Federation of Women's Clubs, the local Consumer's Lea|;ue, and other re- 
form-minded women's clubs encouraged middle-class women to become 
activists against social ills. 

The Arundell Club drew most of its members from the Baltimore Social 
Register, a status beyond the reach of Malloy, a solidly middle-class woman 
who needed to work for her keep.^' Whatever their social standing, reformers 
within the group desired a pro-active approach to good government and 
fermed a subsidiary group, the Arundell Good Government Club. Although 
this group apparently opened its membership to any woman interested in 
good government, it lured only thirty members, half of them from the Social 
Register.^^ Malloy's name does not appear on dues lists or in the minutes, so it 
appears that she limited her club mea^^diips to writing graups that touched 
on her career. 

While clubwomen worked to improve public education, create recreation 
programs, and establish playgroitrMfc for diiJdren, male reformers in Haiti- 



Mfdhy ef the American 



39 




The presses of the Baltimore American. (The Baltimore American Anniversary and Jubilee Edi- 
tion [Baltimore: Charles C. Fulton & Co., 1905].) 

more lobbied for child labor laws and public health reform. Together, they 
overhauled voting systems, revamped education, established city courts, and 
improved municipal services in a decade of reform from the 1890s through 
the early days of the 1900s. 

When Malloy became an editorial writer in the 1890s, she suggested to Felix 
Agnus that she work within the pages of the newspaper to better civic condi- 
tions. Armed with the belief that Baltimoreans would respond positively if 
they were made aware of social ills, Malloy asserted that her mission was 
"rousing public opinion."^^ Her two most intense interests continued to be 
fire safety and children, followed closely by her love of animals. 

A family friend who worked as a fire commissioner sparked her interest in 
the fire department. As editorial writer at the American she lobbied intensely 
to foster improvements in the department, which had been neglected by the 
city and previously ignored by the newspapers.^^ Her interest in the fire de- 
partment was apparent from her early days on the newspaper. Clips in her 
scrapbook from the early 1890s described the latest fire-fighting equipment 
purchased by the city, ways to escape a fire, and the daily business of the de- 
partment. Her editorials on the need for a reliable fire department intensified 
after the great Baltimore fire in February 1904, which destroyed virtually the 
entire business district and caused damage of more than $70 million.^^ 

After the fire, Malloy wrote repeatedly that the department was inadequate 
to match the growth of the city. There had been no fire engine company in the 
business district, and Malloy publicized that fact. The editorial column of the 
American did not mince words: "The most cursory glance over the situation 
shows the imperative need of, first of all, enlarging the Fire Department." The 



40 



Maryland Historical Magazine 




The new Baltimore American building opened for business one year after the Great Fire of 1904 
destroyed the newspaper's headquarters on the corner of Baltimore and South Streets. (The Balti- 
more Americm Anniversary and Jubilee Edition [Baltimore: Cfeffa C. Fukon ^ Co., 1905].) 



Malloy of the American 



41 



editorial argued further that it was foolish to institute other modern municipal 
improvements "when the prime requisite of safeguarding th^ his feeen neg- 
lected." The editorial noted that money spent for other improvements would 
be wasted if the city fell victim to another "Great" fire. "The careful builder at- 
tends first to the foundallons of the building he is to erect. So with a city. Its 
protection from fire is its foundation."^^ Another editorial in the American 
claimed "the eyes of the public at large have been opened to the inadequacy of 
protection in life and property from fire."^* 

In a reminiscence tvrfttein Afet t#50, Malloy stated that her editors at the 
American completely backed M«t supported her '^li^en she lobbted on the edi- 
torial pages for the enlargement of the fire department and exposed unsafe 
conditions. One campaign, she wrote, ended successfully with the estab- 
lishment of several new city compaffles attd"ttic instjfflatidn cff the high pres- 
sure system for firefighting in 1912.^^ This new equipment not only brought 
Baltimore into the twentieth century in firefighting capability but ensured that 
it had one of the most modern systems in the country.^'^ As a result of her in- 
terest in the fire dgpiffttMcM mi lef WQtk to tttodemize it, dty officials 
awarded her a fire badge as the first woman to be an honorary member of the 
fire department. "'^ 

Malloy also crusaded in the pages of the American against sending young 
diildren to jmlJ^ Because she was fr jfeiiily the daughters of the warden of 
the Baltimore City Jail, Malloy learned that young children could be found in 
prisons and that he believed the city was creating "a training school for the 
penitentiary."^^ After receiving the publisher's approval for an investigation, 
Malloy set about to enlighten those who suffered from "the widespread igno- 
rance" about juveniles in prison. Malloy's editorials were considered "the first 
impetus" behind the juvenile court system. 

Malloy's editorial push bolstered the efforts by Baltimore's Charity Organi- 
zation Society to establish a city juvenile court, an innovative idea in the early 
days of the new century and one that also was advocated by women's clubs 
and prominent municipal housekeepers, such as reformer Jane Addams in 
Chicago. The American frequently printed stories about small children being 
sent to prison with convict^ •cisminals for want of a better place to send 
them. In one such article the newspaper described the case of five-year-old Eli- 
jah Smith, his nine -year-old brother, and a twelve-year-old companion who 
were sent to jail on charges thirt; they had assaulted an deven-year-old boy. 
The clipping noted that Elijah, a bia£fk diiM, was iJie youngest child ever to be 
sent to jail in Baltimore.''^ 

The plight of these children highlighted the campaign that was being con- 
ducted on the editorial pages of the Ammcfln.- 

For years the really criminal system of sending children even as 
young as six or seven years to jail has prevailed with, apparendy. 



42 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



little protest, due, possibly, to the fact llwt few compwatively knew 
of the practice. In fact, when the American some years ago began an 

agitation looking towards a remedy for this evil some public officisds 
were ignorant both of the fact and of the extent of this practice/^ 

The Charity Organization Society wrote a juvenile court bill, circulated it 
among city reform groups, and then hired a lobbyist to insure the bill's pas- 
sage/'' The result of this campaign, which strongly benefited from Malloy's 
editorial efforts to help wayward children, was the creation of the Juvenile 
Court of Baltimore, only the third stic^.fic^i;t;.in tjt^ n^ion when it convened 
on June 24, 19027^ 

After the juvenile court success, Malloy continued her role as advocate, but 
rolled up her shirtsleeves. She reinforced her position as a muniq^ii bw^- 
keeping journalist with her own activism. Not content to let others get person- 
ally involved while she only wrote about wrongs, she did something about 
social problems herself. She often claimed the children who had been detained 
and helped them find homes and jobs at her own expense. She was publicly 
praised for her efforts in Maryland's Court of Appeals.^^ 

Meanwhile, as a drama editor and critic, Malloy became widely known in 
the theater world, partly because Baltimore was a try-out city for plays bound 
for Broadway. After Malloy's death a novelist friend, Blanche Smith Ferguson, 
recalled that producer David Belasco called Malloy "the greatest dramatic 
critic of her day upon whose every word we hung. Opening in Baltimore and 
rating feer prai»e we iae^^Bblf went on to Broadssmy ajccess." She counted 
many theater peopk among her fi-iends and was a favorite of the popular actor 
Otis Skiriner.^° 

When she died in 1947, the Baltimore American ran several tributes to the 
wodt acc@mplidi<ed m hor Mfetiiaae. In additkm to the praise she received 
for her involvement in the theater, her efforts on behalf of the fire department 
and the juvenile court, friends cited her charitable work. Ferguson wrote that 
Malloy had often visited prisoners and brought them food and candy.^^ An- 
other friend described her as "the guardian angel" of prisoners.^^ She was re- 
membered for her love of animals and her good works regarding them. Every 
eulogizer was able to recall an instance of her caring for an animal.^^ 

Malloy's successful career as a pioneer woman in Baltimore journalism es- 
tablished that women could write about serious municipal concerns as well as 
features for the women's page. She was fortunate to live and work in a time of 
social reform and change when she could indeed "rouse public opinion." Her 
work for the juvenile court and the fire department made lasting changes for 
Baltimore. She can be counted am mm.«£.lhe "feremothers" of the modern 
woman journalist. Malloy made a career of journalism — it wasn't merely a 
pleasant pastime while looking for more traditional ways to fulfill herself 
through marriage. She li^ ft«itions of increasing responsibility and impor- 



Malloy of the American 



43 



tance on the Amerkm. As one of her friends explained after her dmth, "To the 
end of her life Miss remained a newspigp<^ «mman. PrisMit's iiii^ns in 

her nostrik."^^ 



NOTES 



This article is based on a study of Lourae MiSoy's mamiscript collection, housed at the 

University of Maryland's McKeldin Library, and her scrapbooks, which are part of the col- 
lection of the Maryland Historical Society in Baltimore. It also is based on a study of edito- 
rials and articles from the Baltimore American and the Baltimore Sunday Sun. Several 
Bahimore re^cknts provided personal reminiscence @f In rtipmiBe t6 my cdbjma 

"Does Anyone Out There Remember Louise Malloy?," published in the Baltimore Evening 
Sun in 1986 when I was doing graduate research at the University of Maryland in College 
Park. 

1. U.S. Census, 1880, Baltimore. 

2. Carroll Dulaney, "Day by Day: Woman Novelist Adds Tribute to Miss Malloy," Balti- 
more American, March 6, 1947. 

3. Letter from Angeio P. Pente of Baltimore, friend of Louise Malloy, September 1986. 

4. Letter from Rita Rudo, friend of Louise Malloy, September 27, 1986. 

5. "Miss Marie Louise Malloy," undated clip, Baltimore American. Dielman-Hayward files 
of the Maryland Historical Society, ^ihsnore. 

6. "Louise Malloy," The CM e' ^Mtnore (Newsletter of tfie Baltimore Branch of the Na- 
tional League of American Pen Women, 1 (March 1945): 8-10. Quote found on page 8. 

7. Ibid. 

8. Mirrion Mittmli, Up from the Footnote (New York: Hastfaigs House, 1977), 205. 

9. "Louise Malloy," The Owl o' Baltimore, 8. 

10. Frank L. Mott, American Journalism: A History 1690-1960 (New York: Macmillan, 
1962), 507 and 599. 

1 1 . clif), the Imm: Md^r i(xa^@ok«, MmT^d HMorical Society, 1:26. 

12. "Louise Malloy," The Owl o' Baltimore, 8. 

13. Undated clip, Malloy scrapbooks, Maryland Historical Society, 1:26. 

14. The Player's Maid had a brief Broadway run around the turn of the century, and in 
1940, The Boy Lincoln had a New York presentation. 

15. "Louise Malloy" manuscript, part of the Louise Malloy manuscript collection, 
McKeldin Library, University of Maryland, College Park, Md. 

16. mkmtf, *D«qf'%y]^*1«««8*4, If^. 

17. Robert W. Smuts, Women and Work in America (New York: Schocken Books, 1971). 
In this work, the author estimates that only 5 percent of American married women had 
jobs that took diem away from their homes (23). 

18. "John F. Malloy is claimed by death," newspaper clip with penciled date, June 12, 
1916, in the Malloy Scrapbooks, Maryland Historical Society, 2:210. 

19. U.S. Census, 1900, Baltimore. 



44 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



20. The Maryland Historical Society, Didman-Hayward Fiks, obituary notices. 

21. Baltimore Evening Sun, obituary for Louise Malloy, February 27, 1947. 

22. "Louise Malloy Dies; Writer, Playwright," Baltimore Evening Sun, Baltimore, February 

26. 1947. 

23. Baptismal records from St. Patrick's Cfanir^ Baltimore. 

24. "Miss Louise Malloy," Baltimore Sun, Funeral Notice, March 2, 1947. 

25. Louise Malloy, The Life Story of Mother Seton (Baltimore: Carroll Publishing Co., 
1924), 25. 

2€. "Louise MaUoy," The Owl o' Baltimore, 10. 

27. For example, an article titled "The Baby Czar of Russia" recounted the life of Ivan and 
reads like a gothic novel. There is dialogue between Ivan and his captors, but the reader 
never knows whether the author is recfeaiwg v^i^ coM hare transpired or whether there 
was an historical source — ^there were no footnotes. 

28. Letter from Catherine M. Litz of Baltimore, student of Miss Malloy, September 25, 
1986. 

29. Letter from Hanarah Alseth of Baltimore, September 30, 1986 and undated newspaper 

clip circa 1932. 

30. David C. Holly, Baltimore in American Literature (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univer- 
sity, 1933), 73-74. 

31. J. C. Croly, The History of the Women's Club Movement in America (New York Henry 

G.Allen, 1898), 580-581. 

32. The Women's Literary Club of Baltimore, 1894-1895, club program, 39, at the Mary- 
land Historical Society. 

33. Dulaney, "Miss Louise Mallo/s Good Work Lives On," Baltimore American, March 6, 
1947. 

34. Letter from Rudo. 

35. Any personnel records that may have identified when Louise Malloy joined the staff of 
the American, if they did indeed exist, perished in the great fire of 1904, in which the 
newspaper building burned to the ground. 

36. Louise Malloy is described by Carroll Dulaney in his "Day by Day" column, February 
27, as the first woman journalist in Baltimore. Her obituary in the Evening Sun, February 

26. 1947, stated that she "probably" was the first woman journalist in the city. An undated 
newspaper clip (that probably appeared in the early 1900s) claimed that she was "the first 
woman in this city to engage in work on a newspaper." An entry in the book Maryland 
Women, a directory of prominent women in the city who had to pay a fee to be included 
in the list, stated that Louise could "claim the distinction of being the first newspaper 
woman in Baltimore." In Romk to ^m^^ Mmykmd's Men and Women of Achievement, 
Malloy was described as the first wmhsm jfmrnalist in Maryland. Malloy probably wrote 
this entry herself, because an original manuscript found in her private papers is almost 
identical to the entry that appeared in print. 

37. Bedtimore News-American, special editisB, August 19, 1973, 3. 

38. Ishbel Ross, Ladies of the Press (New York: Harper and Bros., 1936), 493. 

39. Maurine H. Beasley and Sheila J. Gibbons, Taking Their Place: A Documentary History 
of Women and Journalism (Washington, D.C.: American Uiu\«rsity Pre^, 1993), 10. 



Malloy of the American 



45 



40. Ibid. 

41. Baltimore American Souvenir Edition: A Souvenir of the 121st Anniversary of ^ Balti- 
more American, 1773-1894, (Baltimore: Baltimore American Press, 1894), 37. 

42. "Louise Malloy," The Owl o' Baltimore, 9. 

43. The Ixmm Malloy Manuscript Collection, McKddin Library, University of Maryland, 

series 5, "Articles." 

44. Leslie's Weekly, "She is a Genuine Humorist," undated clip in the Louise Malloy Scrap- 
books, Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore, 47. 

45. Ibid. 

46. Josh Wink, "Notes and Notions," Baltimore American, May 28, 1900, 6. 

47. Ibid. 

48. Undated clipping, "Women Humorists Are Not in Great Number," Louise Malloy 

Scrapbooks, Maryland Historical Society, 47. 

49. "She is a Genuine Humorist," undated clipping from Leslie's Weekly found in ibid., 47. 

50. Ibid. 

51. Ibid. 

52. Ross, Ladies of the Press, 496. 

53. Dulaney, "Day by Day" column, Baltimore American, February 27, 1947. 

54. James B. Crooks, Politics & Progress (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 
1968), 159. 

55. Francis F. Beirne, The Amiable Baltimoreans (Hatboro, Pa.: Tradition Press, 1968), 22. 

56. Clayton Colman Hall, ed., BaMmore: Its History and Its People (New Yoric: Lewis His- 
torical Publishing Co., 1912), 224. 

57. Crooks, in Politics and Progress, 155, defines "social reform" as "the phase of the urban 
progressive movement which attempted to correct by governmental action the injustice 
that a changing society had inflicted upon city dwellers." 

58. Ibid., 157. 

59. Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to FDR (New York: Vintage Books, 
1955), 186. 

60. Crooks, Politics & Progress, 169. 

61. Ibid., 169. 

62. Ibid., 170. 

63. "Miss Louise Malloy," undated manuscript in the Louise Malloy Manuscript Collec- 
tion, McKeldin Library, University of Maryland. 

64. Ross, Ladies of the Press, 496. 
65. Ibid. 

66. Hall, Baltimore: Its History and Its People, the chapter on "Fire Protection," which actu- 
ally was written by Malloy, 424-437. 

67. "Protect the City from Fire," undated Baltimore American clip from the Louise Malloy 
Scrapbook, Maryland Historical Society, 2. 

68. "Fire Protection Fight Won," undated clip, Louise Malloy Scrapbook, Maryland His- 
torical Society, 5. 

69. "Louise Malloy," the Louise Malloy Collection, series 2, McKeldin Library, University 
of Maryland. 



46 



Maryland Hht&ricd Ma^zine 



70. Hall, Baltimore: Its History and Its Peopk, 437. 

71. Dulaney, "Day By Day," undated column from the Baltimore American. 

72. "Louise Malloy," the Louise Malloy Collection, series 3, University of Maryland. 

73. "Louise Malloy," The Owl o' Baltimore, 9. 
74.9M.> 

75. "Five- Year-Old Boy Committed to Jail" Baltimore American, March 6, 1902, 6. 

76. "Must Pass This Bill," Baltimore American, March 3, 1902, 6. 

77. Crooks, Politics & Progress, 175. 

78. G. Kenneth Reiblich, A Study of Judicial Administration in the State of Maryland (Balti- 
more: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1929), 17, and D. Zietz, "The Development of the 
Juvenile Court Movement in Maryland 1900-48," unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Uni- 
versity of Maryland, CoBege Park, 1971. 

79. Dulaney, undated "Day by Day" column, Baltimore American. 

80. Dulaney, "Day by Day," Baltimore American, March 6, 1947. 

81. Ibid. 

82. Letter to Carroll Dulaney, published ki #*c ^Mmm-e American, March 3, 1947. 

83. See Dulaney's columns for February 27, March 6, and March 8, 1947. 

84. Letter from Blanche Smith Ferguson, published in Carroll Dulaney's column, "Day by 
Day," Baltimore American, March 6, 1947. 



47 



Reprinted from the Maryland Historical Magazine, 1922 

■ ' ' ' ■ ■ - 

A Forgotten Love Story: 
An Episode in the Life of 
Charles, 5th Lord Bdtimmt 

Lijmm, MALLOY 



In Miss Burney's interesting Memeirs, frequ^t mm^Aen is mat^ of Mrs. 
Delany, who was so great a favorite of George III and his family that court 
etiquette was waived in her regard — a concession that, from Miss Burney's 
account of etiquette in those days, was Uttle short of miraculous. This lady, 
who is often noticed in the maitoirs of her contemporaries, was a noted per- 
sonage in her day, and possesses a peculiar interest for Marylanders, as she is 
the heroine of a romance in which one of the founders of the colony figured as 
the hero. 

Mary Granville [Delany] was born in 1700, and lived to be nearly a century 
old.^ She belonged to a noble English family; her grandfather enjoyed the 
rather doubtful honor of being the first to tell Charles II that he was at last the 
undisputed king of England — a piece of infomiatioo nwre preffitabk to the 
Merry Monarch 4© .tbtiptople he forthwith proceeded to misgovern. The 
king marked his appreciation of this service by creating Granville Groom of 
the Bedchamber, and firom this time on the family seems to have been always 
connected with royalty. 

Mary was, from early youth, most attractive in immRer and appearance. Ed- 
mund Burke said of her: "She is not only the woman of fashion in her own 
age; she is the highest-bred woman in the world, and the woman of fashion of 
all ages." At the age of ten she met Haadel, but was not at all impressed by the 
great master. She liked his playing, but on being asked if she thought she could 
ever play as well, answered with conviction: "If I thought I should not, I would 
burn my instrument!" — an opinion she lived long enough to correct. While 
visiting her UBck Lord LimAsmmy^i^.waet a £ri«nd j»k1 counitFynmn of the 
latter, Alexander Pendarves, of RoscrwvPi Gernwall. She says of their first meet- 
ing: "I expected to see somebody with the appearance of a gentleman, when 
the poor old dripping, almost drowned, Pendarves was brought into the 
room, like Hob out of the w^l. His wig, his coat, his dirty boots, his large un- 



1. Autobiography and Cotre^ontktKe ofMmy GtanvMe Delany. Edited by Lady Llanover. 6 v. 
London, 1861-62. 



48 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



wieldly person and his crimson countenance were all subjects of mirth and ob- 
servation to me." He soon ceased to be "a subject of mirth" to her, for he fell 
in love with her, "to her great sorrow," at which we do not wonder, when she 
says that Mr. Pendarves was then near sixty and she only seventeen. She adds: 
"I formed an invincible aversion towards him, and everything he said or did, 
by way of obliging me, increased that aversion. I thought him ugly and disa- 
greeable; he was fat, much afflicted with gout, and often sat in a sullen mood, 
which I concluded was from the gloominess of his temper. I knew that of all 
men living, my uncle had the greatest Oipteiion of and esteem for him, and I 
dreaded his making a proposal ofmim^s^, as I knew it would be accepted." 

Her fears of being forced into a marriage with him by her uncle were speed- 
ily realized. Lord Lansdowne needed the influence and services of Pendarves, 
and promised Ms nfese's hand to 'k«f -^te^^ 1#^. "I was not entreated," sie 
says, "but commanded." She was finally forced to consent to a union she de- 
tested, and was married "with great pomp," pathetically adding: "When I was 
led to the altar, I wished from my soul I had been led, as Iphigenia was, to be 
sacrificed. I was ^^McM, I%8t, liSt ife indeed, but I lost aU that makes life 
desirable — ^joy and peace of mind." 

The marriage, as might naturally have been expected, was miserable. She 
calls her hu^and "her tyrant and jailer," and their residence, Roscrow, "her 
prison." P€»darves was jeai©iis, syfcn, and rtiade Kfc wretched by bis tyr- 
anny. Finally he took her to London, and put the finishing stroke to her mis- 
fortunes by falling ill of the gout, and keeping her in close attendance on him. 

About this time she met a young nsaitted laiy w^iose husband was intimate 
with her own, Mrs. Hyde, a betti^flil woman of noble family. A fondness 
sprang up between them, and Mrs. Pendarves frequently visited her new 
friend, whose society must have afforded a pleasant relief from her gouty hus- 
band's. "By being often at Mrs. Hyde's," she says, "I met her brother. Lord 
Baltimore." She describes him as "a young man in great esteem and fashion at 
that time, very handsome, genteel, polite and unaffected. He was born to a 
very considerable fortune, and was possest of it as soon as he came of age, but 
was as little presuming on the advantages he had fi-om fortune as on those he 
had fiNQpm nature. He had had the education bestowed on men of his rank, 
where, generally speaking, the embellishing the person and polishing the man- 
ners is thought more material than cultivating the understanding, and the 
pretty gentleman was preferred to the fine gentleman. I thought him more 
agreeable than arrfboiiy I had ever known." 

This fascinating young man was Charles Calvert, fifth Lord Baltimore. If I 
do not mistake, his portrait, by Sully, is at present in the Maryland Historical 
Society Rooms, and we can see for ourselves the handsome face that made 
such an impression upon poor unhappy Mary Pendarves. 

The impression was mutual. Lord Baltimore became attached to his sister's 
fair friend; but so successfiiUy did he hide his passion, and so respectfial and 



A Forgotten Love Story 



49 



friendly was his manner to her, that she never suspected him of a warmer feel- 
ing. She says: "I never went to Mrs. Hyde's that I did not fiiid Lord Balti- 
more," — a fact she evidently ascribed to brotherly affection. 

He visited Mr. Pendarves, ^h whom he became a great favorite; which, af- 
ter 'dte description given lis tiff this domestic tyrant, is lJie strongest possiWe 
testimony to Lord Baltimore's qualities. He was received in the family cirde on 
a friendly footing, and though Mrs. Pendarves confesses that she was ex- 
tremely cautious in her behaviour to him, fearing that she might become too 
much irrtereSted, she ads© %M during three years of intercourse with 

them, "he never said a word that could isiifend her or give her just cause to 
avoid his company." 

After a married life of seven years, Mr. Pendarves died suddenly, leaving her 
a widow of not yet twenty-four. She frankly declared her widowhood was not 
unwelcome — a statement no witness of her wedded life would feel inclined to 
question. 

Six months after her husband's death. Lord Baltimore sent for permission 
to call upon her. With the consent of hor aunt, Lady Stanley, to whom she had 
gone on her "bereavement," she allowed his visit. He repeated it several times. 
Although she did not always see him, her aunt began to take alarm. Lady Stan- 
ley had already destined the young widow to become the wife of her husband's 
nephew, Henry Monck, a young man in no respect to be compared with Lord 
Baltimore. 

The latter continued to visit her, apparently by no means discouraged by 
disapproving aunts. No longer suppressed by duty, their mutual love began to 
show itself, and it gave her cour^lo oppose her aunt and refuse to be again 
disposed of by interested relatives. Lady Stanley was disappointed but did per- 
sist, although she disliked Lord Baltimore. Mrs. Pendarves says: "She had re- 
ceived an impression to his discredit; I now believe she made a better 
judgment of him than I did; butifeis fediaviour to me was so respectful and en- 
gaging that the natural vanity of human nature led me to think more favorably 
of him than he deserved." This was rather unfair, for he was then evidently 
sincerely in love with her. 

At this time she speaks of hiwi by varkms navies: "Guyamore," "Bas" (short 
for Basilisk) and the "American Prince," alluding to his province of Maryland, 
in America. At a ball given to celebrate the Queen's birthday, she complains of 
the €»}wd, biiit aAfe that '*bar fettimie threw her in tiie way of Guyamore, who 
very ^^weAj her a seat arid sat down beside bo:." She givss the courtesy 
significance by calling it "a recompense for the loss and fatigue I had under- 
gone." His aunt, Lady Betty Lee, sat near them, and Mrs. Pendarves asked him 
"why he did not go and pay his duty to her?" But the young man had not come 
to the ball to dance attendance on his aimt, aad replied, possibly with some 
temper, that "he hated to look at her she was so confounded ugly;" adding, we 
may suppose with a lover's sigh, "I would be a happy man were you as ugly!" 



50 



Maryland Hi^rkei Ma§azim 



Bfcfore anything was settled betw«n -tfeean, Lord BaltiiHOTe was forced to go 
to Maryland, and during his absence a report of his death was spread in Eng- 
land. How this report affected Mrs. Pendarves we have no record; the first 
mention she makes of him after his return, is her meeting with him at a "draw- 
ing-TOKMW.* •'^^Xr A^t l l et'i tM #! ^h ice came and sat by me, jmd'-arfter common 
compliments he said he must ask after his friend, our sister, where she was and 
what she had done with herself. I told him of your flauntings." (This is quoted 
from a letter to her sister.) "I asked him if he had been in as many perils as was 
rumored of hftft, ht ifM rns. ^f^Mc^fiMtWm. Hyde and his family had been un- 
der great apprehensions and concern; he said he was very HiitKii>-@lbiiged to his 
friends; he wished to know if I had once thought of him or was sorry when I 
heard he was cast away? I asked him why he should suppose I had so much ill- 
natuce as not to be sorry for so iM#rt*«!l*»asi a®«d«ft t&aw acqpaintance?" 

The prudence of this answer naturally aggrieved him. 

"That common compassion," he said to her in a tiff, "would give me but lit- 
tle satisfaction." She was so afraid of others hearing their conversation that she 
turned it from ms^imimet liif^ imyik y ' ifter liie-tRited^ !L»df>£«ti^ i,ee. lie 
answered by another declaration of hatred towards his absent relative, hoped 
Mrs. Pendarves did not encourage his aunt's acquaintance, for "it was not 
worthy of me;" said he had quarrelled with Lady Betty on her account and 
"weNtid iMgive^er." \mi^ljmiiAmmm ims ibere t@-pi^r a trkk -eia "me 
and Bas," but the lovers wisely avoided her. Mrs. Pendarves thought her ad- 
mirer had grown thinner, but "he looked very well, and not a bit of a tar." 

A few days after he called on her, and later in the week met her at the opera. 
He canie sat near her, t!(tt^4Mi§<ldwK''ke was very unhappy, and that she 
was the cause of all his extravagance. She answered she would be so sorry to 
think so. In two or three days he saw her again. "When he came into the 
room," she writes, "I «orfd not fidp wishing his mind might be answeriWe to 
his appearance, for I never saw him look so well." 

He began the conversation by asking her "if she did not think they were 
miserable people that were strangers to love? But," he added, "you are so great 
a philosopher that 1 dread your answer." 

She replied, "As for philosophy, 1 *^ ncrt (^tend to it, but 1 endeavor to 
make my life easy by living according to reason; that my opinion of love was 
that it made people either very happy or very miserable." He said "it made him 
iwteerable." But he #d not get ifee «aMM«femerft he expected. "That, my 
lord, proceeds from yoUMelf; perhaps'^eia place it upon a wroi^ foundation." 
He did not like her answer, for "he went away immediately." 

No wonder; she seems, from her own account, to have been discreet to a de- 
gree that vrotdd feavrdriven an ordinary lover wild. AtkI yet ^ teved hkn deeply, 
and secluded herself because she could not treat him in public with indifference. 

For a whole year they met but seldom — however, this was her own doing. 
One night, to oblige Lady Stanley, she went to the opera and met there Lord 



A Forgotten Love Story 



51 



Baltimore. He came directly to her, asked y^kmt stoe had buried herself, and 
told her "he had been miserable to see her." He declared that he had so little 
opportunity of doing so he could no longer conceal his love. He told her "he 
had been in love with her for five years, but that she had kept him in such awe 
that tie h«^'<Mi«irlHi#'#He touragc to confess ^tts tet^." She was rtmiA con- 
fused by this^bt^t avowal, and begged him to say no more then, as it was 
hardly the proper place. He then asked "if she would be at heme the next 
day?" to which she repUed that she would. 

Althou^ very much in \imyA^'^mi BA&nofe, Mrs. Pendarves must 
have suspected the sincerity of his professed attachment; but e\^ so, ^ 
could hardly have been prepared for the extraordinary end of the romance. 
She went home to dream of her handsome lover, though she expresses herself 
very mildly on this point. 

"The next day he came punctually, very much dressed and in good spirits. 
Our conversation began with common talk of news. Some marriage was 
named, and we both observed how little probabiUty of happiness there was in 
most of the fashionable matches, vdiiCTe interest and not inclination was con- 
sulted. At last he said he was determined never to marry unless he was well as- 
sured of the affection of the person he married. My reply was: 'Can you have a 
stronger proof (if the person is at her own disposal) than her consenting to 
marry you?' He replied that was iiot sufficient. I said he was unreasonable; 
upon which he started up and said: 'I find, madam, this is a point on which we 
shall never agree!' He looked piqued and angry, made a low bow and went 
away immediately, and left me in such confusion I could hardly recollect what 
had passed; but from that time be wi^ married, we never met." 

Mrs. Delany's editor explains this remarkable conduct of Lord Baltimore by 
the supposition that his extravagance necessitated a rich wife; that under the 
influence of his real love for Mrs. Pendarves he made a declaration that more 
selfish calculations, in coolea: m®<^iits, sti^ested him to reconsider, and that 
his pretended anger at the following interview was merely a pretext to break 
off the affair. It may have been this, or it may have been genuine pique at what 
he supposed her coldness. 

His desertion had a serious effect upon her he^th for a time, but she recov- 
ered and devoted her energies to conquering her feelings. Whatever the cause 
of his sudden change, he never returned to her, but soon after their parting, 
married Mary, daughter of Sir Thomas Janssen of WimWetoo. Some years 
later, she very indifferently of meeting her former lover at the marriage 

of the Princess Royal to the Prince of Orange. 

"Lord Baltimore made a place for us where we could see it all." 

And again, at a court baH, Ae naeMi^s #iat Ae Prince played "whisk" with 
Lord Baltinwe, Lady Blandford and Lady Carteret. At another ball she speaks 
of him once more. 

"My Lord Baltimore was in light brown and silver, his coat lined quite 



52 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



tfef mightmt with ermine. His lady looked like a frightened owl, her locks strut- 
ted out and most curiously greased, or rather gummed, and powdered." She 
evidently had not forgiven her successful rival, if this malicious description is 
to be trusted. 

The old lovers met again on t«^Wi» liieRdishtp^. ^€ ^eate ©f his visiting 
and advising her, and once uses his old name of Guyamore. But they were 
friends merely, as is proved by his congratulations on her engagement to the 
Rev. Dr. Delany, Swift's friend and biographer, to whom she was afterwards 
most happily married. In a letter written a friend, she mentions her youthful 
lover for the last time: 

"I saw in the newspapers that Lord Baltimore was ill; is he dead? He had 
some good qualities. I wonder where his poor sister Hyde is? I wish he may 
have done something for her. I fear his poor children at Epsom have been 
sadly neglected." 

Lord Baltimore died April 23, 175 L He was succeeded in the title and prov- 
ince by his son Frederick, the sixth and last Lord Baltimore. 

Mrs. Delany survived her first love many years, living far into the reign of 
George IIL 



53 



Book Excerpt 

Plain Truth vs Common Sense: 

James Chalmers for the Loyalists, 1776 

M. CHRISTOPHER NEW 

The editors of the Maryland Historical Magazine are pleased to present to 
our readers the following article, adapted from chapter two of the forth- 
coming book Maryland Loyalists in the American Revolution, to be pub- 
lished in the fall of 1996 by Tidewater Publishes of Centreville, Maryland. 
Publication is by permission of the author and publisher. 



In January and February of 1776, Philadelphia, not New England, was the 
epicenter of the conflict with Great Britain. Despite bloodshed at Lexington 
and Concord and terrible losses at Bunker Hill, Tories and a few moderate 
Whigs hoped in vain for a last-minute reconciliation with the mother country. 

The motives for wanting such a miracle were quite naturally divided along 
party Unes. The Tories sought an end to the conflict before armed resistance 
spread throughout the colonies; some Whigs, on the other hand, felt they had 
flexed their muscles enough to show they were serious about not submitting 
to Parliament's arbitrary rule of the colonies. The consequences of resistance, 
however, were to go beyond what most colonists and Britons expected. Rebel- 
lion was about to become revolution, largely because of a simple pamphlet. 
On Wednesday, January 10, 1776, the words of a virtually unknown English 
dissident would change the world forever. 

Thomas Paine's Common Sense was like a lightning bolt in the colonies. Its 
message was simple: Britain had no right to govern America, the monarchy 
system itself was basically corrupt, and Americans would be much better off 
on their own. Paine's arguments certainly struck a chord. The French and In- 
dian War of the 1750s had shown the colonists just how far they had drifted 
from their EngUsh counterparts in nearly every aspect of politics and culture. 
England saw c^oiakts as crude and uneducated, while the En^i^ -were seen as 
drunk with power and subservient to a monarchy that had no meaning to the 
average colonist, who pretty much lived by his own rules. 

M. Christopher New is a free-lance writer of fiction and non- fiction in Reisterstown. 



MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE, VOL. 91, NO. I, SPRING 1996 



Maryland Historical Magazine 

PLAIN TRUTH; 

ADDRESSED TO THE 

IN HABiTANTS 

0 F 

AMERICA, 

Containing, Remarks 
ON A LATE PAMPLET 
entitled 

COMMON SENSE. 

Wherein are fhewn, that the Scheme of INDEPENDENCE 
is Ruinous, Delufive, and Impracticable: That were 
the Author's Affeverations, Refpecting the Power of 
America, as Real as Nugatory ; Reconciliation on 
liberal Principles with Great Britain, would be 
exalted Policy : And that circumftanced as we are. 
Permanent Liberty, and True Happinefs, can only be 
(Stained by Reconciliation with that Kingdom. 

Written by CANDIDUS. 

AtxB et skeeem pmtem. Horace. 

WUl ye turn from flattery, and attend to this Side.? 



There Truth, unlicenc'd, walks; and dares accoft 
Even Kings themf elves, the Monarchs of the Free ! 

Thomson on the Liberties of Britain. 



PHILADELPHIA: 
Printed, andScdd, by R. BELL, in Third-Street. 



MDCCLXXVI. 



James Chalmers for the Loyalists 



55 



Not everyone, though, read Paine's work and nodded with approval. Hard- 
core loyalists were realizing that they had been blindstded by a powerful jHCce 
of propaganda. Anxious to put out the fires that Common Sense was igniting, 
they attempted to strike back. One of the very first to do so was a gentleman of 
means from the cc4ony of Maryland — a planter named James Chalnit?rai. 

ClMtoiers's Mfeis something of a mystery. An account of his early ywH-s, 
pieced together from what he told the British government after the war, re- 
vealed the story of a man of ambition. Born in Scotland in 1727, he went to 
the British West Indies when he was thirteen years old. His profiss^e* Aete 
for the next twenty years is unclear. One thing we know for <«sie M that fee 
made a lot of money. In the West Indies, the eighteenth-century road to 
wealth was the sugar, rum, and slave trade. Like most white men of the time, 
the concept of owning tefHSB'beings didirt secfflf tcWwrtfle Mm tiefry tnrach. 

In 1760, Chalmers arrived in Maryland with several black slaves and a hefty 
10,000 British pounds in his purse. This substantial sum made it easy for him to 
become a farmer and landowner of great standing on the Eastern Shore. Before 
long, he owned several thou8lifl#ai^s around Chestcrtown in Kent County. His 
wealth gave him influence, which he spent a lifetime trying to exert. 

Sometime in 1775 he appears to have been offered a regiment in the rebel 
service. This isn't as peculiar as it seems: the conflict still centered around re- 
sistance, not revolution. Chalmers, however, turned down the offer and re- 
quests to attend r«bd committees. By his own admission, he armed his family 
in Chestertown and prepared to "repell force by force." ^ 

"Well-bred and well-informed," despite "the strong peculiarities of his tem- 
per, manner, address, and diction," Chalmers is further described as "a sound 
disciplinarian, resolute, strict, and humane."^ When war came, this well-read 
but irritable Scotsman had had enough. Surrounding himself with wealthy 
Eastern Shore loyalists, Chalmers was to become lieutenant colonel of the First 
Battalion of Maryland Loyalists a litlie over a year after writing Fiain Truth, his 
famous rebuttal to Common Sense. 

Plain Truth 

Nestled in a building on south Third Street beside Saint Paul's Episcopal 
Church was Philadelphia's most popular bookstore, Robert Belf s shop carried 
bo^s on the arts, sciences, languages, history, biography, divinity, law, voy- 
ages, travels, as well as poetry, plays, novels, and virtually anything else the 
well-read eighteenth- century gentleman might care to read.^ Bell also publish- 
ed pamphlets, and Chalmers was only too anxious to see his thoughts appear 
in the best bookshop in town. Chalmers must have enjoyed the irony that 
Robert Bell had published the first edition of Common Sense. 

On Saturday, March 16, 1776, an advertisement first appeared in The Penn- 
sylvania Ledger, a local newspaper that favored loyalist views. For three shil- 



56 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



lings, interested citizens ccmld purchase P/ain Truth; addressed to the Inhabi- 
tants of America. Writing under the name "Candidus," James Chalmers 
launched an all-out assault on Paine's work. In the space of seventy pages, he 
resorted to everything he could think of to tear down Common Sense. For 
those who just couldn't get enough of til* Iffaryland loyalist's writings. Addi- 
tions to Plain Truth appeared on April 10 for only one shillii^. 

Unfortunately for Chalmers, he adopted precisely the wrong style and tone. 
While Paine wrote in the plainest language possible in order to reach the com- 
moii man with his argumcirt, C^wisseti te<*k^ high road with a strong em- 
phasis on literary references and history through the ages. A semiliterate 
blacksmith who could muddle his way through Common Sense may well have 
looked at Plain Truth and shrugged his shoulders. Many educated and learned 
men were already loyaliste. It vms lh& "^eat unwashed" who needed convinc- 
ing that Great Britain was still their sovereign master. 

Chalmers began his work, in supreme flowery form, with a dedication to 
John Dickinson, the famous representative of Pennsylvania at the Continental 
Congress. He acknowledged^ "^i kmm »ot the Honor to be Known to You," to 
which the reader can easily fill in what must have been his next thought, "... 
but I would certainly like to be known to you." These were the words of a man 
who never feared the taste of boot polish. 

Step then forth; exert those Talents with which HEAVEN has endowed 
you; and cause the Parent, and her Children to embrace, and be foes 
no more. Arduous as this extraordinary talk may seem, Tpetimps your 
Virtue and Talents, may yet effect it. Your Endeavors to stop the 
Effusion of Blood, of Torrents of Blood, is worthy of your 
acknowle^|[ed Humanity — E^^ the honest attempt upon recol- 
lection, will afford you inefEable satisfaction.* 

As complimentary as this may be, Chalmers had more in mind than mere 
flattery. A man like John Dickinson was exactly what a man like Chalmers 
wanted to be: a powerful and influential colonist, respectful of Great Britain, 
mindful of colonists' concerns, and, most importantly, a man who could in- 
fltience millions with his writings. 

In a series of letters to the Pennsylvania Chronicle in 1767 and 1768, Dickin- 
son wrote in no uncertain terms that Parliament lacked the authority to tax 
the colonies simply because it needed revenue. Under the title Letters From a 
Farmer in Penn^'kfania to Inhabitants of the British Colonies, Dickinson's words 
were read throughout the colonies as well as in England, causing quite a stir. In 
subsequent years, Dickinson had risen to the forefront of reform. To loyalists, 
moderate men like Dickinson seemed the last hope to end the fighting. Unfor- 
tunately for Chalmers, Dickinson later refused to endorse his pamphlet. 

Chalmers, by his admission, chose to write Plain Truth after waiting week 



James Chalmers for the Loyalists 



57 



upon week for someone to respond with anger to Common Sense. No one did. 
New York's Constitutional Gazette called Paine's work "a wonderful produc- 
tion," and others were equally complimentary. Sensing great opposition, the 
Kent County planter boldly took the initiative. 

He wasted no time calling Paine a **p&fitical quack" and expressing offense 
at the New Englander's attack on the Enghsh constitution. "With all its im- 
perfections [the English constitution] is, and ever will be, the pride and envy 
of mankind."^ This was a safe argument in March 1776. The Declaration of 
Independence, which so elegantly expressed the dissatisfied American point 
of view, did not yet exist. The rebellion itself was being propelled mostly by a 
few loud orators from New England. No one, of course, had suggested how 
colonists could come up with something better than England's system of 
laws. Loyalists like Chaimfrars were bankiBg on the hope that they never 
would. 

Paine's love of democracy was a ripe target in Plain Truth. Few now realize 
that the word "democracy" didn't have a particularly appealing ring to it in 
the eighteenth century. Even radical John Adams, who was pushing hard for 
independence, was nervous about Paine's brand of unregulated democracy. It 
"was so democratical, without any restraint or even an attempt at any equilib- 
rium or counterpoise, that it must produce confiision and every evil work," he 
wrote.^ Later, he declared, "What a poor ignorant, Malicious, short-sighted. 
Crapulous Mass, is Tom Pains Common Sense."'' For one fleeting moment, 
Chalmers and John Adams were in agreement. 

Adams may have been a radical but he was no one's fool. He knew any new 
government would have to be run by politicians and not by mob leaders. To 
many, Whigs and Tories alike, democracy for its own sake didn't seem like an 
especially good idea. Historically, democracies had come and gone, a fact that 
Chalmers doesn't hesitate to point out. 

The demogogues to seduce the people into their criminal designs 
ever hold up democracy to them. ... If we examine the republics of 
Greece and Rome, we ever find them in a state of war domestic or 
foreign. . . . Apian's history of the civil wars of Rome, contains the 
most frightful picture of massacres . . . that ever were presented to 
the world. 

Mistrustful of France and her intentions, Chalmers was compelled to re- 
mind his readers of the great ddjt Ea^ttAhf the ct^onies. Citing Wil- 
liam Penn and the Pennsylvania Quakers as settlers who brought "toleration, 
industry, and permanent credit" to the colonies, Chalmers observed that Eng- 
land had taken proper notice. 

The people of England, encouraged by the extension of their laws 
and commerce to those colonies, powerfiilly agisted our merchants 



58 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



and planters, insomuch, tl»[ft @«rj|^^@ai^ts increased rapidly. ... It 
., , may be affirmed, that froi®. ^is igj^iod, until the present unhappy 
hour; no part of human kind, ever experienced more perfect felicity. 
Voltaire indeed says, that if ever the Golden Age existed, it was in 
Pennsylvania. 

Chalmers was on firm ground with this argument and he knew it. By the 
time of the revolution, the American colonies were about the best place in the 
world to live. Opportunity was everywhere, land on the frontier was for the 
taking (or stealing as the case may be) and taxes were almost nonexistent in 
comparison to what the inhabitants of England were forced to pay. Best of all, 
the heavy-handed authority of King George III suid Parliament was diffused by 
several thousand miles of ocean. 

Chalmers mentioned the French and Indian War only in passing, saying, 
"In the hour of our distress, we called aloud on Great Britain for assistance, 
nor was she deaf to our cries." This strong sense of obligation to England for 
defeating France is curiously understated by Chalmers. It may have been a 
matter he considered so obvious that it did not require special attention. 

To counter Paine's hints that England and the rest of Europe were becom- 
ing dependent on American wheat, Chalmers sardonically asserted that "I be- 
lieve the Europeans did eat before our merchants exported our grain." Citing a 
drought in Poland and the Ukraine as the cause of the sudden increase in ex- 
ports, Chalmers denies that "this momentary commerce" had much effect on 
the colonies. As proof, he cited his own region. "The most fertile and delecta- 
ble wheat country in America, bounded by Chesapeak-bay," is terribly under- 
developed, he wrote. Lack of manpower, industry, and wealth were the prime 
culprits. He implied that those industrious few who cultivated the land in this 
area had done quite well for themselves. 

It isn't difficult to gather from his description that the cultivated Maryland 
land he talked about was, of course, his own in Kent County that he later 
called "the best Lands in America."^^ No one would ever accuse James Chal- 
mers of modesty. 

The British West Indies inevitably arose in any discussion of colonial trade. 
Chalmers wanted very much to convey his own experience concerning this vi- 
tal link of trade to the British empire. 

We are unacquainted with the West India Islands, if we believe that 
they solely depend on us for provisions and lumber. ... I know it 
will be re-echoed that the West India islands GKuiot do without 
America. The contrary is nevertheless true.^^ 

This economic argument is one of Chalmers's worst miscalculations. Quite 
simply, he should have known better. For someone who had spent so much 
time in the British West Indies, be seemed to have absolutely no clue of the 



James Chalmers for the Loyalists 



59 



power the colonies had over the CartWsem tsknds in terms of trade. When 
war came, the West Indies were crippled by Britain's effective blockade of the 
tropical ports. The loss of trade may have denied money to the colonies, but it 
also denied timber and other needed supplies to the sugar islands. A strange 
preoccupation with the West make itself known over and over 

again until the end of Chalmers's life. 

After a few digressions, he moved on to the heart of all loyalist argument: 
the colonists couldn't possibly win a war against Great Britain. At every level, 
England outgunned and outmanned the colonies. On paper, the weakness of 
the colonies was almost comical. A nonexistent navy, badlf disc^Kned re- 
cruits, and a great scarcity of heavy industry to produce arms and ammuni- 
tion combined to create a picture of wishful-thinking colonists who didn't 
stand a chance oHce England roused what Shakespeare had called "its sleep- 
ing sword." 

Then Chalmers did a curious thing: he spoke of his pride in the army that 
the colonies had raised. "I am under no doubt, however, that we shall become 
as f&rmA for martial co«B'age> m'trnf eMmn ever the sun bd»eM," he t^t^i en- 
thusiastically.^^ These were, of course, the same troops who had wiped out 
rank after rank of redcoats on Breed's Hill in Boston just eight months before. 
It turned out to be a backhanded compliment, however, because Chalmers felt 
that a simple 6)tsk€ hut likfe^mmdtmma^ 't^ keep the colonists from lo^ng 
a war with England. Alone, they didn't stand a chance. To win, they would 
have to have a great European power such as France or Spain on their side. 

Will Europe Intervene? 

Here, Chalmers made an imp<Mtant and often overlooked observation: he 
found it illogical for any foreign power to side with the colonists against Eng- 
land, and with good reason. 

Can we be so deluded, to expect aid from those princes (France and 
Spain), which inspiring their subjects with a relish for liberty, might 
eventually shake their arbitrary thrones. . . . Can we believe that 
those princes will offer an racample so dangerous to their subjects 
and colonies. . . 

One can't help but think that if Kmg Louis XVI of France had read this pas- 
sage of Chalmers's pamphlet, he might have saved his own life. On this point 
Chalmers could not have foretold the future with any greater exactness. France 
was deluded enough to aid the colonists, the French people were inspired with 
a relish for kberty, and they did shake the arbitrary throne by relieving the 
king of his head in the French Revolution. 

For his part, Chalmers couldn't imagine that a country like France would be 
foolish enough to join the fight. Against Ae expectations of loyalists and rebels 



60 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



iMke, Fraace k{t{>t iwAo the w«r eM&ft m.^ mmef, arm$, and troo|>s. Victory 
for England would suddenly become ii|||i«N^|$^ That CKMSW^ kfiCmmt^ 
was still years away. 

In Plain Truth, Chalmers was blunt about the resolve of England to put 
down the rebellion. 

Can a reiBonable being for a moment believe that Great Britain, 
whose political existence depends on our constitutional obe(ti«K3e, 
who but yesterday made such prodigious efforts to save us from 
France, will not exert herself as powerfully to preserve us from our 
fr«ntic sc^Ma^ of independency. Can we a moment dotftrt;, that the 
Sovereign of Great Britain and his ministers, whose glory as well as 
personal safety depends on our obedience, will not exert every nerve 
of the British power, to save theftiselves and us from ruin[?] 

This, of course, was a great sticking point for those colonists who didn't know 
which side to join. The revohitioniaries taficed of their own resolve, but what of 
Great Britain's? The mother country couldn't afford to lose the colonies, could it? 

Chalmers himself made a surprising admission when he stated, "I see no 
reason to doubt that Great Britain may not long retain us in constitutional 
obedience." Despite her powerful position in the world, Chalmers confessed 
that "time, the destroyer of human affairs, may indeed end her political life by 
a gentle decay." It was a subtle, but definite admission that aligned him far 
closer to Thomas Paine then he would have liked to admit. For all his postur- 
ing, Chalmers was not an Englishman; he was a displaced Scotsman and enter- 
prising colonist. It would take a bitter war, the loss of his lands, and the 
ruination of his reputation in Maryland to turn Chalmers into an unflinching 
Englishman in his later years. 

He ended Plain Truth with a stark, Orwellian statement. The final line, in 

capital letters, reads: INDEPENDENCE AND SLAVERY ARE SYNONYMOUS TERMS. 

It was an odd pamphlet indeed. Seldom concise, often wandering off on 
tangents, it reflected one man's gut reactions. Other loyalists would write on 
the same subjects with greater ele^sence, but all would follow after Plain 
Truth. Meanwhile, Chalmers was by no means ready to put down his pen. 

Intended to solidify the arguments of the hastily written original pamphlet, 
Additions to Plain Truth reveals Chalmers as just as angry a month later. He 
qaicMy reminded his readers of the "AMichristian tenets" which Paine ex- 
pressed in Common Sense. Ironically, Chalmers's fellow citizens eventually 
reached the same conclusion and declared Paine an atheist. Unfortunately for 
Chalmers, that wouldn't happen for another twenty-five years. 

After restating old arguments, he remindei his readers of the terrible price 
of war and attempted to take them through the stages of what the war would 
be like. "Should this war prove unsuccessful on the part of Great Britain, we 



James Chalmers for the Loyalists 



61 



csimot imagine that it will terminate, e'er many bloody fields are lost and 
won; I say, it probably will not end in less than 10 years."^^ 

Having presented his thoughts on how long a war would last, he asked his 
readers if they were ready to drench the colonies in blood. Even more to the 
point, be wanted to know if the colonists were prepared to die for th« "restless 
ambition" of Thomas Paine. Chalmers viewed such a war to be totally in vain. 
He believed his fellow citizens were impelled "by their turbulent ambition to 
anticipate an event which the fullness of time would probably produce with- 
out bloodshed."!^ 

This one statement does much to dispel the notion that loyalists were sim- 
ply "yes-men" to the king and Parliament. The loyalists' philosophy and their 
intentions were not those of England, to which they professed allegiance. In 
truth, their concern, ki mamy Ee^«ets» ^^'t really »mch diiieeemt kom 
those of their revolutionary counterparts. Both sides wanted the colonies to be 
prosperous. Both sides saw Great Britain making sudden and heavy-handed 
attempts to display its authority over its offspring. 

At Liberty to Speak 

Despite his earlier glowing feiniewr of iaglish authority, even Chalmers came 
to admit that the colonies were a separate entity. Whig and Tory could see that 
England was the problem; they just couldn't agree on the solution. Like most 
loyalists, Chalmers saw reconciliation as the answer — the only answer. 

In short, let us remember, that by our connection with Great 
Britain, we have been the hapf)iest people on earth, and by a just 
agreement with her we may long continue so. Let us dispassionately 
consider, that in a connection with Great Britain, we may possess all 
the ROSES of independence, without being cursed with its imrn- 
merable THORNS.^^ 

Once again, he was certain that for all the complaining about how the Brit- 
ish operated, the colonies could not and would not come up with a better sys- 
tem of government. Recalling his earlier pamphlet, Chalmers insisted that a 
democratic government would eventually give way to a "military system" im- 
posed on the colonies. Although he admitted this would not happen under 
General Washijlgton (whom he called a "virtuous citizen"), he was certain that 
it was only a matter of time. Perhaps, he mused, it would be instigated by 
some junior officer whose talents for tyranny were, as yet, unknown. 

Although Plain Truth apparently sold without incident in Philadelphia, 
Chalmers told his readers that Whig officials in New York had a great aversion 
to Plain Truth and, consequently, a number of copies sent to New York City 
were seized. He was struck by the sheer irony of the situation. The pamphlet 
was selling literally under the "immediate eye" of the Continental Congress 



62 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



wifeh«e( %fmihk, fet hk vmi^ -m^ confis^i^ dse^ifliere. Here he ^^mintered 
the dark underbelly of the American Revolution. The rebels' actions showed a 
dpuble standard that was offensive to Chalmers. 

If such doings are the first fruits of REPUBLICAN LIBERTY? Grant me 
Heaven, our former mild and limited Government, where the 
prerogative is ascertained by law, and where every man is at liberty 

OA 

to speak mA prmk hk msm^mmts. 

The question was quite justified. More than any war in history, this was a 
struggle of competing ideologies. For the rebels to win their war for inde- 
pendence and the liberty that they deemed so vital, it was necessary to sup- 
press any and all dissent in the colonies. Their message was essentially, "We're 
fighting &0tm fp:mfif'm&ym ^^'t^ee completely with us or ete!" This 
was a bitter pill for loyalists to swallow. 

Chalmers concludes Additions to Plain Truth with a final appeal to reason: 

Let us remember that reconciliation on generous principles with 
Great Britain, is our true and only road to permanent happiness. 
Above dl, let us seriously consider, that this [when the 
CommissiDiiers arit^ te 1M Cbtlgi^] is the juncture, 

this the memexif t we IM^ imeim ^i^yAlMg we can reasonably 
desire. 

I conclude these remarks, by tsbservii^, that if they are founded in 
truth, they will instruct you to keep a good look out, that ye may not 
be surprized into AMERICAN INDEPENDENCY; without a thorough 
examination of it, and its consequences. 

Plain Truth would prove a failed document, doomed from the very start. Its 
first appearance on Robert Bell's bookshelf occurred within days of one of the 
rebels* greatest accomplishments. In Boston, the British had plilkd Out their 
occupying forces when they woke up one morning to find a battery of rebel ar- 
tillery, "borrowed" from Fort Ticonderoga, bearing down on them. Winning a 
war against the redcoats suddenly seemed possible. Chalmers's pleas for mak- 
ing peace vwth Great Britain couldn't have been more ill-timed. 

Nevertheless, though it may not have turned the tide, Plain Truth was 
widely read. Just a few weeks after its appearance, a writer calling himself 
"Ctto" sp6ke favorably of Chalmers in a letter to the people of Pennsylvania 
published in the Pennsylvania Ledger. Mentioning the recent pamphlet, the 
writer recommended it "as containing many judicious remarks upon the mis- 
chievous tenets and palpable absurdities held forth in the pamphlet so falsely 
called Contntdn Sense."^^ 

An edition of Plain Truth appeared in England as well. In his journal on 
Monday, June 10, 1776, exiled New England loyalist Samuel Curwen noted 



James Chalmers for the Loyalists 



63 



that he spent all day reading Comm&n Sense and Plain Truth at his Losdon 
home.^^ Unfortunately, he never ps* km ofwnion of either work. 

Throughout the years, thou^, ©fltet* hlt^e been more than happy to pass 
judgment on Plain Truth. Historians have usually been i^brgiving, calling it 
everything from "ponderous" to "atrociously written." Yes, Chalmers does 
meander quite a bit in his writing, at times reluctant to come to the point. It 
should be remembered, though, that this isn't unusual in eighteenth -century 
writing. Even John A(knis md *A&mm Jeflferson, possibly the two most ar- 
ticulate men in the c©tories, vmvAd put many modern readers to sleep with 
their lengthy discourses on philosophy and reUgion. 

In later years Plain Truth faded into utter obscurity. In 1776, however, Chal- 
mers was an influential loyalist. A little more than a year after the publication 
of iHmn Truth, General Sir William Howe, conmsnder of British Forces in 
America, impressed with Chalmers's abilities, commissioned him to raise a 
regiment of Maryland loyalists. Chalmers must have thought his star was on 
the rise. What followed, however, were six years of bitter disappointment. 



NOTES 



1. Report of Bureau of Archives, Province of Ontario, 1904, 1 164. 

2. The Gentleman's Magazine, OctcAer 18@6, 986. 

3. John W. Jacb(Mi, With The British Army in Philadelphia (San Rafael, Calif.: Presidio 

Press, 1979), 104. 

4. James Chalmers, Plain Truth (Philadelphia: Robert Bell, 1776), 5-6. 

5. Ibid., 11. 

6. Bernard Bailyn, Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass.: 
Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1992), 288-289. 

7. John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, Jmne 22, 1819, The Adams-Jefferson Letters (Chapel 
Hill: University of Neath Carolina Press, 1998), 542. 

8. Chalmers, Plain Truth, 16-17. 

9. Ibid., 22. 

10. Report of Bureau of Archives, Province of Ontario, 1904, 1165. 

1 1. James Chalmers, Additions to Plain Truth (Philadelphia: Robert Bell, 1776), 1 10-1 12. 

12. Selwyn H. H. Carrington, "The American Revolution and the sugar colonies," Black- 
well Encyclopedia of the American Revolution (Great Britain: Blckwell, 1991), 508-517. 

13. Chalmers, Plain Truth, 27. 

14. Ibid., 29-30. 

15. Ibid., 36. 

16. Chalmers, Additions to Plain Truth, 103-104. 

17. Ibid., 105. 

18. Ibid., 130. 



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Maryland Historical Magazine 



19. Ibid, 126. 

20. Ibid., 122. 

21. "Cato," "To the People of Pennsylvania, Letter III," Pennsylvania Ledger, March 23, 
17M, 1. 

22. The Journal of Samuel Curmfkl^0^ (2 vols.; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University 
Press, 1972), 1:167. 



65 




Portfolio 



Emily Spencer Hayden earned many 
awards as a pictorial photographer in 
the first quarter of the twentieth cen- 
tury. Born in Baltimore County in 
1869, she married attorney Charles S. 
Hayden and began taking photographs 
of family and friends when her husband 
gave her a camera in 1893. Her extraor- 
dinary talent with composition, focus, 
and light soon gained her recognition 
with the Photography Guild of Balti- 
more, the American Salon Club, and 
the London Salon as a leading pictorial- 
ist. Several of the photographs in this 
collection are of Emily Hayden' s daugh- 
ter Anna (Nan) Bradford Agle, who has 
donated more than three hundred of her 
mother's pictures to the Maryland His- 
torical Society. 

P.D.A. 

Emily S. Hayden and daughter "Nan" 






Mary Hoffman 



Harriet Stewman, daughter of Catherine Hayden 



70 



Maryland Historical Magazine 




Anna Hayden, "Nan" 



Lizette Woodworth Reese 




Portfolio 



71 




Anna Mullikin and Dorothy Hewitt 




Captions have been supplied wherever possible. 
Many of the subjects in the photographs in this 
collection are not yet identified. 



73 



Meshach Browning: 
Bear Hunter of Allegany 
County, 1781-1859 

DAVID M. DEAN 

In the late spring of 1829, Meshach Browning and two dogs left the family 
cabin on Sang Run in far western Maryland for Meadow Mountain, a fa- 
vored place to find bears. While resting after his trek of several miles, the 
hunter heard a bear pawing leaves in search of acorns. Following the noise, 
Browning met "a very large bear." His shot downed the animal and the dogs 
attacked the beast who, regaining his feet, swatted them away. A second shot 
had little impact as the bear's bone structure kept the ball from penetrating 
too deeply. Seeing his dogs being severely mauled, the hunter, knife in hand 
imd iibfling for the heart, ran past the animal and sank a back-handed blow 
deep into the bear's body. With his opponent still upright. Browning stabbed 
again but on this second attempt the beast grabbed the hunter's right leg, 
knocking him to the ground. A renewed attack by one of the dogs enabled 
Browning to get back on his feet. He pushed seven knife thrusts intb the bear's 
heart and lungs, yet the beast still refused to fall. Believing, as he later wrote, 
"that I could effect nothing with the knife," the hunter jerked the bear by the 
"wool of his hips" and threw him to the ground where, after several almost 
human-like groans, death finally came. Temporarily shaken, not so much by 
his own close brush with mortality but the knowledge of his foe's "brave man- 
ner . . . against unequal numbers," he "dressed" the animal, picked up his 
flintlock rifle, walked a short distance, and shot another bear. ^ 

That day's hunt, and hundreds of others, would have remained lost to his- 
tory but for Browning's autobiography, Forty-Four Years of the Life of a 
Hunter. First published in 1859, the narrative presents a vivid picture of fron- 
tier life in Maryland's westernmost region fi-om the early 1790s to the mid- 
13408. The memoir, described by Browning's friend, the old Jacksonian 
Francis Preston Blair, as one of "good sense, good feeling and rustic humor," 
details the life of a man who by conservative estimate killed over two thousand 
deer, nearly four hundred bears, about fifty panthers and cougars, and ^ores 
aiv^vts and bobcats.^ 

Meshach Browning, born in 1781 in Frederick County to a subsistence 
farmer and a mother who was widowed two weeks after his birth, moved to 

Dr. Dean is pr(^5or and chmnsfhis^ry at Frostburg State University. 

MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE, VOL. 91, NO. 1, SPRING 1996 



74 



Maryland Historical Magazine 




Meshach Browning hunted bear in western Maryland for more than forty years. 



Bear Hunter of Allegany County 



75 



western Maryland at age five with his mother and an older sister and brother. 
En route a wheel buckled on Sideling Hill and the wagon, with Meshach 
aboard, plummeted down the mountain. Although "stunned, breathless and 
mangled," he survived the crash and settled with his family on a small farm at 
the headwaters of Flintstone Creek in eastern Allegany County.^ 

When barely ten the boy was befriended by a childless aunt and uncle and left 
home to travel with the couple to Maryland's westernmost region, passing 
through Cumberland, a struggling settlement of twenty cabins. Another two days' 
journey found them at Blooming Rose (near present-day FriendsviUe) where they 
eventually settled and where the boy received his only schooling, three months of 
reading and writing, and met his future wife, Mary McMullen.^ 

Evidently the aunt turned abusive. Increasingly Meshach spent long periods 
away from home in order to avoid her verbal and physical assaults and to hunt 
raccoons and bobcats whose fur he traded for a heavier rifle, one used to claim 
his first deer in 1795. Like many a frontier youth, he improved his marksman- 
ship and eafn«d a didS&t a day from local hm^s by ^ddflflg hundreds of 
squirrels, acknowledged common nuisances as ravagers of cornfields.^ 

With no meaningful family ties in Blooming Rose, and frustrated in his love 
for Mary McMuUen and eager to prove himself, Browning, barely fourteen, 
left for the Ohio country but a happy circumstance reunited Meshach with his 
mother and stepfather, who now lived in Pennsylvania. There the youth killed 
his first bear by crushing the wounded beast's skull. Returning to Blooming 
Rose to court Mary viAtsttfevter he coifflM, Bfowning livtd his mother and 
stepfather, worked their ground, and hunted. On one efttttM day he shot a 
panther which measured over eleven feet in length.^ 

After a four-year courtship and now eighteen, Meshach married the fifteen- 
year-oW Mary and settled on a nearby squatter's ftml. Bift €ie demands of an 
absentee claimant for possession sent the couple and their infant daughter to 
the Bear Creek Glades at the head of Bear Creek, a tributary of the Youghiogh- 
eny River. The glades, a large level valley of tall grass and wild flowers with 
ridges of heavy timber, aboundei t^^ii-ieet, bears, panthers, wolves, cougars, 
wild turkeys, foxes, rabbits, squirrel, pheasant, grouse, wild bees, and in the 
streams, fat trout. Of his early years there, Meshach later wrote: "We had 
nothing to do but 'Rise . . . slay and eat.'" Actually the "we" should have been 
"I." While her husband was *wwf, often on the hijlift fot days; Maiy tended to 
their expanding household, which eventually reached eleven offspring, all of 
whom Meshach would describe as "her children." Mary's lot was typical of 
most married women on the frontier. She washed clothes, baked, milked and 
chnnmi) mt^ei-vtM hi^ief,impf^ mes and bailed the liquid into ma|4e 
sugar, carded, spun and knit wool, produced soap from the tallow and lye and 
candles from panther and turkey fat, grubbed and hoed fields, tended a garden 
and livestock, chopped firewood, salted and dried meats, picked berries, and 
boikd herbs into medicine.^ 



76 



Maryland Historical Magazine 




No Time to Sit and Fret 

Although devoted to Mary, so much so that he penned poems about her late 
in his life, Browning's other great love, one might say his greatest, was the 
hunt. Mary understood this and supported him in countless ways. One disas- 
trous summer saw their crops wither and their livestock succumb to disease. 
With Meshach so dejected that he could only "sit and fret," it was Mary who 
sought out a "pedlar" to buy enough powder and shot on credit to put her 
husband back in the hunt — a hunt that uplifted his feelings and brought much 
needed cash into the household in the form of the county's bounty on pan- 
thers and wolves. And it was Mary and the children who frequently handled 
the bear meat sent home by a long-absent Meshach. If the load was too heavy 
to lift, they would lead the horse into their cabin, cut the ropes that tied the 
meat together and let it fall in the middle of the room. So hungry for the hunt 
was Meshach that, even with Mary on the verge of giving birth, he would go 
after deer or bear. Rarely did Mary bridle but once, when her husband asked 
her to take a colt to the woods to bring in a bear's carcass, she remarked: "Is it 
not enough for you to hunt and kill bears, without making a squaw of me?"^ 

More objective observers might also have wondered about Browning's grad- 
ual metamorphosis toward the attributes of his principal prey. In a passage 
written late in life, he unwittingly described himself in a tribute to the bear: "a 
bold, undaunted beast, though not apt to pick quarrels with other aninyds; 
but if any others trespass on its right, it then becomes furious and vindictive. I 
love and admire the bear because it desires to insult neither man no beast, nor 
will it suffer any insult to it." A man of powerful physique who enjoyed many 
friends and acquaintances, Browning was quite ready "to resent an injury." 



Bear Hunter of Allegany County 



77 




When his temper flared he found himself as "mad as a bear shot through the 
belly." He was not averse, especially when younger and involved in political 
discussions, to settle debates with his fists. He most admired a bear who "sold 
his life dearly." In v^rriting about the bear herat, he declared that "the harder 
the fight the better I liked it."^ 

Conscious of his stature as a bear hunter, Browning worked hard to keep it. 
But in a poor hunting season he resorted to building a bear trap, although he 
kept that fact to himself. Yet he even used a trapped beast to enhance his repu- 
tation. While hunting, he and a friend discovered a bear in one of Browning's 
wolf traps. As a lark. Browning decided to release the bear's foot and then box 
the creature. While his friend held the dog, Browning spared off with what was 
initially a reluctant partner but increasingly a truculent one. Years later, he de- 
scribed the encounter: 

I struck him in the ear as hard as I could, and turned his head round. 
He then became mad, and rose on his hind-feet to rake my face or 
neck, but I struck him in the pit of the stomach which seemed to 
double him up. ... He was now in earnest . . . and came again up to 
the attack. I gave him another fair stroke under the butt of his ear, 
which made him stagger, but he still aimed at my legs, and I jumped 
over him a second time. 

At this point the friend released the dog to replace Browning and the fight 
continued. Then, v^rith the dog tiring under the bear's attack. Browning ended 
the contest "vwth one stab."^" 

Although Mary worried about her husband, she rarely voiced her fears. But 



78 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



once, "after nine days out," she combined exasperation and love, declaring 
that she expected that someday Meshach would be killed by a bear. Her fears 
were well grounded since Browning's self-described philosophy on the hunt 
for "the most dangerous and mischievous beast common to these forests" was 
"the greater the danger appeared, the more anxious I was to win the fight." 
Once, when he jumped from behind a tree, grabbed a bear by her hind foot, 
slammed her to the ground and killed her with a knife thrust, his accompany- 
ing brother-in-law accused him of "being crazy." 

Often Browning climbed trees after wounded bears or raced through the 
woods to catch a potential victim. Friends implored him to "quit that foolish 
practice of fighting with a knife," but in decades of bear hunting he remained 
unscathed. Not so his second son, John Lynn, whose left hand was crippled for 
life during a struggle with a bear on Meadow Mountain. ^ ^ 

Browning gave much credit on the hunt for bears, some weighing over four 
hundred pounds, to his dogs, and never owned one "that I could not risk my 
life on." 

I always kept two good dogs, one of which walked before me, and 
the other behind. The one in front would wind the bear, and lead me 
up to him on that side which he could not smell me and I would 
come on him unexpectedly. If by chance he found us coming on him 
and ran ... I would send the dogs after l»d aS I could run 
about as fost as any bear could, wben the %bt began i was c^Dse up. 

Browning's keen mariksmanship, the d^lky to kill wit^i a knife, and an "ac- 
curate knowledge of the disposition, habits and feeding grounds of bears" 
made them his favored target. So intense was his love for the hunt that he 
was not always content to seek bears only between May and late autumn. In 
ear^ wtarter he looked for bears who kad "retired to their holes." He endeav- 
ored to "rout them out" by poking a long pole into a den, giving the bear "a 
hard punch" to make him angry enough to charge out of the hole. But only 
twice did he venture deep into a bear's den, beyond the reach of sunlight. On 
the second attempt, while t^ttt«ft#hc«fte«, #te€a!*i «(fh rifle 

set his hair ablaze. As he told friends, "I shuffled out of the hole with Biy head 
on fire." He managed to put out the fire with handfiils of snow.^^ 

The Narrowest Escape 

Surprisingly, considering all of Brownir^'s bear and panther kills, his fierc- 
est fight (and the closest he came to kmng his life) occurred on a dea- hunt. 
His dog had chased a large buck into the Youghiogheny River and the two ani- 
mals, unable to maintain footholds in the fast-moving water, were locked in a 
desperate fight. Browning, leaAdng Ms rtfle on shore, Wi^ed in and §^xed the 
deer by his antlers. He dared not let go or the buck's horns would smash him. 



Bear Hunter of Allegany County 



79 




As he recalled later, "I must kill him, or he would in all probability kill me." 
Browning tried to drown the deer but the buck's flailing hooves prevented 
this. The hunter tried again, using all his weight and strength to prevent the 
deer from regaining his footing. With the buck weakening. Browning man- 
aged to draw his knife and end what he called "the worst fight I had ever been 
engaged in."'^ 

Hunting to Meshach Browning was both vocation and avocation. Virtually 
penniless early in married life, the food he and his rifle brought to the table 
and the bounties he collected and the skins he sold sustained his family. In 
later years, meat, which he carted downstate to sell in Hagerstown, Frederick, 
Baltimore, Annapolis, and the nation's capital, generated hard cash while his 
attire of buckskin and moccasins brought him admiring — or at least curi- 
ous — glances from city folk. 

Browning's skill with the rifle was not unusual on the ever-moving frontier 
of his era. But his career was highly unusual in that his entire hunting Hfe cen- 
tered in one location, western Maryland.^^ One of Browning's contemporaries 
was interviewed by an English traveler in the early 1840s. This hunter, with a 
"drawling, slovenly wife," a couple of cows, a pony and several "wild kids" had 
moved, always one jump ahead of organized government and encroaching 
neighbors, from Kentucky to Tennessee to Indiana to Missouri before build- 
ing yet another cabin, this time on the Arkansas frontier. But a peripatetic life 
wts%ot for Meshach Browning. Although he relocated several times within far 
western Allegany County, building at least eleven cabins, each move usually 
saw him with added acreage for his family to cultivate. He also established a 
grist Mill, ivhich, as often as not, he left in charge of his wife. So with Mary and 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



FORTY-FOUE YEAES 



THE LIFE OE A HUNTEE; 



mtsft BZMimscEiicss ov 



MESHACH BROWNING 



A MARYLAND HUNTER, 



EOUGHLT WRITTEN DOWN BY HIMSELr, 



PHILADELPHIA : 
J. B, LIPPISJ-COTT & CO, 
1860. 



Meshach Browning's autobiography first^^eared in 1859 and has been reprinted regularly, m&st 
recently in 1994. 



Bear Hunter of Allegany County 



81 



Ms daughters tending to the garden and the grinding, and his sons in the fields 
plowing, Browning shouldered his rifle and disappeared for a week at a time 
to enjoy the hunt. In his later years whatever he brought home was more a bo- 
nus than a necessity. Still, as he liked to tell Mary, "a deer killed is a sheep 
saved.''16 '-^ ^ 

His sorrow over Mary Browning's death in January 1839 hastened the dose 
of his hunting days. Now fifty-eight years of age, he killed his last bear that fail 
when coaxed by a son to accompany a hunt to Meadow Mountain. Two years 
later he shot his last deer. Alth<wg^ hf tl*i^#fep{>8f tefBtlfriea, his interest in 
the shoot declined. The scarcity of game had made hunting "laborious"to 
Browning, so he gave it up, along with farming and his grist mill, and con- 
structed a new "comfortable" cabin on part of his property at Sang Run. After 
an unsuccessful run as a Democratic cftnJkiate for the state legislature in 1847, 
Browning settled into retirement. Although increasingly infirm with the rheu- 
matism that had bothered him since he was twenty-five, he entertained promi- 
nent visitors from downstate. Among thcrti was thi; pGifficl'ikn Francis Preston 
Blair, Sr., and Edward Stabler, a prominent businessman and a talented en- 
graver of seals, including one which appeared on United States currency. 
These men, after hours of listening to Browning's anecdotes and stories, in- 
sisted that fll€ hunter commit his memories to paper. Browning, despite his 
limited formal education, produced his autobiography and sent it to Stabler. 
The engraver left the prose untouched except for corrections of grammar and 
spelling. After adding illustrations, Stabler secured publication of the memoir 
by the prominent Philadelphia ptrblisher, J. B. Lippincott Company, in 18S9.^^ 

By the end of Browning's life, few hunters in western Maryland could live 
off the bounty of the woods and meadows. In the seventeenth century thou- 
sands of buffalo grazed on the blue-tipped grass of the marsh mountainous 
glades of today's Garrett County. At the end of the 1700s one of Browning's 
contemporaries shot two of the last four buffalo seen in the area. Elk had van- 
ished before Browning reached adulthood. In 1834, when Browning's friend 
William Campbell entertained Frederick Skinner, the son of a well-known 
es^tern publisher for a month of fiall hunting, the visitor found a "paradise" of 
grouse, woodcock, squirrels, mountw hwe, wild turkey, and deer. But, in his 
reminiscences, published over fifty years later. Skinner does not mention 
bears. Indeed, his host had only seen two in the previous five years. And by 
mid-century p«nth«r, cottar, wolf, and bear, «fl so plentiful in the early 180<fe, 
had virtually vanished from the highland hills. Hunters such as Browning, 
with their hundreds of kills, were largely responsible for the depletion of game, 
though in the 1850s Browning attempted to shift the blame to "all other hunt- 
ers who were not governed by the kind and fair feelings which used to regulate 
their actions in bygone years." But Browning surely was never a Teddy 
Roosevelt. (The president, while on a hunting trip in Mississippi, refused to 
shoot a bear cub, hence the birth of the "Teddy Bear.") Neither Browning nor 



82 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



his sons and neighbors in western Maryland discriminated when killing 
bears — fathers, mothers, and cubs.^^ 

Browning's autobiography, penned during the last years of his full life, al- 
lowed him to relive thousands of hunts, and especially his chase of the bear, 
the animal that dominated his memory. Stricken with pneumonia in Novem- 
ber 1859, in his seventy-ninth year, and in and out of consciousness in the ten 
days before his death, he overheard a son at his bedside remarking about the 
sbumdmme el ^m0lmi^ li|Mi» autumn. At that @ld himter f&mti. kkmelf 
and cried out "the bears will be there." 



NOTES 



All illustrations are from Meshach Browning, Forty-Four Years of the Life of a Hunter 
(Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1860). 

1. Meshach Browning, Forty-four Years of the Life of a Hunter (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippin- 
cott, 1859), 224-229, 31 1. (This autobiography has been reprinted often in the twentieth 
century, most recently in 1994 by Appalachian Background, Inc., of Oakland, Maryland.) 
If one stabbed and hit bone the knife blade could be bent like an S. The animals Browning 
pursued were eastern black bears, not the larger, even more ferocious grizzlies encoun- 
tered by fur trappers in the West. See Paul ShuUery The Bear Hunter's Century (New York: 
Dodd, Mead & Company, 1989). 

2. Browning, Forty-Four Years, vii. 

3. Ibid., 13-19. 

4. Ibid., 20, 23. 

5. Ibid., 26, 42—44, 67-68. Squirrel extermination was commonplace on the Appalachian 
frontier. On May 17, 1796, hunters rendezvoused at Irvine's Lick in Kentucky and killed 
7,941 squirrels in a sing^ day. fhimmk 1b. Onk, f renter America (New York: Charles 
Scribner's Sons, New York, 1969), 221. 

6. Browning, Forty-Four Years, 55, 68-72, 77, 79. 

7. Browning, Forty-Four Tmrs, 20, 79, 81, 83, 97, 158, 310; Clark, FronOir America, 
210-21 1. Bear Creek Glades'is'todiiy covered by Deep Cre^ Li&e in Garrett County. 

8. Browning, Forty-Four Years, 97, 146-47, 178. ' 

9. Ibid., 165-66, 180-86, 192, 240, 266, 369; James W. T^iemas and T. J. C. Williams, His- 
tory of Allegany County, Marylatd (BdttHWfrei'Rc^iiMd Peiteyng Co. 196f ), 1:16®-162. 
Initially a Federalist, Browning in later life actively suppo*^ iftie &^Sliocratic P«rty. 

10. Browning, Forty-Four Years, 161-163, 233-237. 

11. Ibid., 92, 98, 121, 126, 130-33, 139, 180. 

12. Ibid., 152-153,234. 

13. Ibid., 154-156, 175-179. 

14. Ibid., 251-253. 



Bear Hunter of Allegany County 



83 



15. Ibid., 200-201,213-214. 

16. Quotation from G. W. Featherstonhaupt in Thomas D. Clark, The Rampaging Frontier 
(Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1939), 21-22; Browning, Forty-Fmu- Jhtm, 3®1. 

17. Thomas and Williams, History of Allegany County, 160; Browning, Forty-Four Years, 
345-346, iii-ix; The Glades Star (Garrett County Historical Society), December 1964, 327. 

18. Stephen Schlosnagle, Garrett County (Parsons, W. Va.: McClain Publishing, 1978), 
100-101. Quotation from "Frederick Skinner Reminiscences" in William T. Hunt, 
"Across the Desk," Cumberland (Maryland) Times, July 8, 15, 22, 1945; Browning, Forty- 
Four Years, 133, 135, 165, 166, 300, 359. Browning, although occasionally remorseful after 
wiping out a mother with her cubs, justified this action as payment "for every trespass 
they made on me" — a payback for the handful of his hogs taken by bear. Not until 125 
years after Browning's death did black bears, thanks to the protection of state laws, return 
in any numbers to Garrett County. See Cindy Stacy, "The Black Bears Return," Maryland 
Magazine (Spring 1987): 41-43. 

19. Browning History, a family memoir now apparently lost, quoted in The Glades Star, 
December, 1964, 328. 



84 



Maryland Historical Magazine 




Rosalie Stier Calvert with her daughter Caroline Maria. Painting by Gilbert Stuart, 1804. (Mary- 
land Historical Society.) 



85 



Between Two Cultures: 
The Worlds of 
Rosalie Stier Calvert 



LORRI M. GLOVER 



ecent scholars from a variety of fields have begun to explore the nature 



and effects of cultural exchange between groups of people. The most 



Xjiotable such studies of early America are Richard White's The Middle 
Ground and Mechal Sobel's The World They Made Together. White's study of 
the Great Lakes region explored how Indians and Euro-Americans reconciled 
their two worlds and defined their perceptions of themselves and each other. 
Similarly, Sobel investigated the ways in Which black and white Virginians in- 
fluenced each other and constructed an interrelated culture and society. Yet 
while we know an increasing amount about cultural exchanges between peo- 
ples, we know little about how these exchanges played out in the lives of indi- 
viduals or about how individuals constructed their identities in the crucibles 
of competing cultures.^ 

Rosalie Stier Calvert provides an opportunity to explore the interplay be- 
tween two different cultural identities. Born in Belgium in 1778, but living in 
America from the age of sixteai until her death in 1821, she Mra^^d 
throughout her life to balance her European past with her life in America. 
Throughout her life she remained part of two families — one American, with 
her husband and children, and another European, with her parents and sib- 
lings. She also attempted to b«lance friendship, reMgion, hiagatage, ckjthir^, 
politics, work, and home. Rosalie could neither abandon her European iden- 
tity nor escape the realities of life in early America. Her letters to and about 
her family between 1794 and 1820 reveal her attempts to balance two families 
and two cuJtmrts i#iik coi^lrttdirtl ifdrf^ and private identity. 

In August 1794, Rosalie Stier, the sixteen-year-oid daughter of Belgium 
aristocrats, sailed to America with her parents, Henri and Marie Louise, sister 
Isabelle and brolher-in-law }&m Ml^iM^ tlarVe, and brother Charles and 
si^*-in-kw Miftii. They «ffi¥i&i ii Wfik^dl|>lft« in October md i^ortly 
thereafter moved to Maryland. The Stief ^feiHy brought to America their ser- 
vants, money, most treasured possessfesas, mA even their social status. They 
quickly developed person^ Mi lies mmj of the most ki^wtiBit 

Lorri M. Glover is a doctoral candidate in history at the University of Kentucky in 

Lexington. 




MARYLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY, VOL. 91, NO. 1, SPRING 1996 



86 



Maryland Historical Magazine 




Portrait of George Calvert by Gilbert Stuart, 
1804. (Maryland Historical Society.) 



families in early America. But social acceptance and financial success were not 
enough. They missed their friends, families, and their home, which in both a 
physical and an emotional sense remained in Belgium. By 1 803 the Stier fam- 
ily had determined to return to Belgium, But they would return without 
Rosalie. 

Initially, Rosalie found life in America disappointing and disorienting. In 
1795 she wrote, "It is going to be very difficult to become accustomed to the 
way of life here." In 1796 she explained to Isabelle, "I cannot stand the idea of 
staying here forever, not even for two more years. When I think about it, I de- 
test America and it depresses me."^ 

Despite her initial disdain, Rosalie eventually became more accepting of her 
new environment. After all, she came of age in America. She attended balls in 
and around Annapolis and Baltimore and was tutored in America, courted by 
American men, and seen by many as unique, fascinating, and "European." Al- 
though conscious (and desirous) of being an outsider, Rosalie was nonetheless 
flattered by the attention she received. Since she perceived life in America to 
be a temporary stage it was doubtless easier to accept. 

At first Rosalie's parents encouraged her involvement in A^ericsn 4omety. 
But when a casual courtship grew into a love affair, her parents became less 
cordial to the match. They were reluctant about Rosalie's suitor, George Cal- 
vert, and about their daughter becoming too attached to an American. George, 
the son of Benedict and Elizabeth Calvert, was by all outward indications a 
likely match for Rosalie. George's father was the illegitimate but accepted son 
of Charles Calvert. George was a member of one of the wealthiest, most influ- 



The Worlds of Rosalie Stier Cdvert 



87 



ential, and oldest families in the early Republic, an established planter, and a 
respected member of Maryland society. 

But the Stiers were far from pleased with Rosalie and George's relationship. 
They distrusted George Calvert, possibly because of the illegitimacy in his 
background, but probably because George was not Catholic, not as wealthy as 
the Stiers, and not likely to emigrate to Belgium if the Stiers decided to return 
there. Thdir att«»npts to curb George *lirf''R&iiS!le's courtship were unsuccess- 
ful. An j^^irte liMtise explained, "C[alvert] has come calling again with gifts. He 
gains ground every day. We try to defer his visits as much as possible, but 
these lovers always find a thousand pretexts for coming together."^ When 
George proposed marriage, the 9i«i-l«itMilf neftisssd consent. But Geor^ and 
Rosalie persisted, and her parents ultimately realized there was littie they could 
do but agree. So Rosalie and George married in June 1799. 

In the early years of her marriage, Rosalie was able to move between two fa- 
milial worlds, altering ha^ tMt illNiliiidttilif ^neither. Rosalie and Geot^ lived 
in close proximity to the Stier family, Rosalie spent vast amounts of time with 
her mother, sister, and sister-in-law, and the extended family remained closely 
connected — emotionally, socially, and financially. Moreover, to ease family 
tensions with his new in-laws, George promised to move with Rosalie to Bel- 
gium if iter family §B> ^tmpc. 

A "Temporary" Separation 

Between 1799 and 1803, as the Stiers thought more and more of returning 
to their homeland, Rosalie started a second family with George. By the time 
the Stiers arranged to return to Belgium in 1803, George and Rosalie had two 
small children, were financially tied to Maryland, and were unwilling and un- 
able to uproot their new life. But the ensuing separation was, in Rosalie's 
mind, merely temporary. In her early letters to her family abroad, Rosalie 
wrote often of her plans to move to B^ium — plans that never came to pass. 

When her parents and siblings returned to Belgium, Rosalie lost not only 
her family and closest friends, but the most constant part of her cultural iden- 
tity as well. Rosalie certainly had deep emotional connections to her parents 
and siblings that could not have been easily replicated. But these ties to her 
family were all the more important because Rosalie relied on them to maintain 
her European identity and preserve her sense of self If she lost her connection 
to her European family, she risked losing the most important part of her Euro- 
pean identity as well. To compensate for the physical separation, she built 
strong emotional and financial ties to her family abroad, attempted to con- 
struct connections between her parents and her children, exaggerated her dis- 
dain for American life, and avc»dcd amy conflicting fetmlial connections or 
friendships in America. 

Throughout her life, Rosalie maintained close emotional ties to her family 



88 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



abroad and tried to convince them (and perhaps herself as well) of her unfail- 
ing devotion. It was vital to Rosalie that her European family believe they were 
her first priority and that her social life in America was at best a divet%i«aii« In 
September 1803, after the Stiers left, Rosalie wrote her mother, explaining -het 
recent social activities. "[Sjtaying at home all the time I was always looking on 
the dark side and being melancholy. Getting out in the world lifts my spirits 
and . . . makes me more content «iii%etter able to bear our separation. Don't 
t=hft*fc ^isrt i th««k of you any less often for that." Eight yefflss ferter the tone re- 
mained the same. In 1811 she wrote, "My position here is so isolated that 1 
would willingly sacrifice half of my allotted years in this world to be able to 
pa^ the other half with my femiy." ("My family" here meant her femily in 
Europe.)"* 

Rosalie also maintained close financial ties to her family in Belgium. She 
and George were Henri Stier's agents and managed all his property and invest- 
ments in America. After 1808 Rosalie acted as the agent for her brother, Char- 
les, as well. In almost every letter to her father and brother Rosalie explained 
what properties and/or stocks she had bought for them, how the crops were 
faring, and how the political climate influenced family finances. 

Rosalie dso &m&mn^ed iter pmetrnM' miv^&nsuit -in ker chil^en's lives. 
Rosalie tried to build financial and emotional ties between her children and 
her parents, talked frequently with her children about her family in Europe, 
urged her children to vwite their kin abroad, and frequently sought advice on 
raising children from her relatives in Belgium. She continually sought to per- 
petuate the connections to her family abroad, and to convince them of her un- 
failing devotion and reliance on them. 

Rosalie's relationship with her sister, IsabeBe van Harve, was by far the most 
importattit of her familial ties. For almost twenty years Rosalie carried on a 
regular correspondence with Isabelle, her sister, counselor, and best friend. 
Not once in all those years did the sisters see each other. And yet the last letter, 
posted just vreeks before Rosdie's deaffr, was every bit as personal, involved, 
and devoted as the first. 

Rosalie constantly worried about her separation from her sister. Shortly af- 
ter Isabelle returned to Belgium Rosalie wrote, "1 feel like I'm in prison here 
since your departure ... I don't enjoy anything. My friends, my husband, all 
try to distract me and in company I try to be cheerful, but it's forced. Mentally 
1 am constantly in Europe, and 1 cannot forgive myself for having left you." In 
1815 Rosalie wrote, "Not a day passes that I don't recall the time we were to- 
gether and regret that it is no longer so." Throughout their separation, Rosalie 
longed to be a part of her sister's daily life. Rosalie wrote often about her rou- 
tines and daily activities and urged Isabelle to do the same. "Please, dear Sister, 
give me all the details about what you do, how you spend your day."^ 

While Rosalie's connection to Isabdk advanced her European identity it 
also kept her fi-om forming close female relationships in America. Rosalie 



The Worlds of Rosalie Stier Calvert 



89 



longed for the companionship and advice given by Isabelle and the other 
women in her family, but she was unwilling or unable to form similar rela- 
tionships in America. In 1804 she wrote, "I can find pleasant acquaintances 
here, Mtt I hmve net y«t found anyone who couii%te Mif'Bp M B Bl - .i ai t b^ man or 
woman." "I find a major flaw in [American] women is that they are extremely 
cold and incapable of deep feeling." In fact, Rosalie had very few friends be- 
cause she shut herself off froin close relationships. Further, she exaggerated the 
extent of her isolation and unhappiness to her family abroad in order to em- 
phasize her commitment to them and to reinforce her sense of identity.^ 

Rosalie also avoided forming potentially conflicting familial ties to the Cal- 
vert family. She cared little "fbf George's family despite, and probably because 
of, her over-zealous attachment to her own. The Calverts appear infrequently 
in her letters, and only in cursory ways. As Rosalie explained, "All of the mem- 
bers of his family are well-off and respectable. They have high regard for me 
and are attentive, but these are superficial bonds wthotrt 4t^ heartf(6h or real 
interest." She considered Charles's wife Mimi a true sister and mourned her 
early death in 1803, but did not have similar feelings for her sisters-in-law in 
America. When one of George's sisters died, Rosalie wrote, "I don't know if I 
wrote you that my sister-in-law, Mh. Stmtt k dead. Sfee l€R two boys and 
four unmarried daughters who afe lieifter pretty nor iBcaible, so tiiey will 
probably all become old maids."^ 

And yet as much as Rosahe wanted to protect and preserve her connections 
to her family of origin, the desire to %«ad « fitmily Of her own wms at least 
equally compelling. When the Stiers moved she wrote how desperately she 
missed them, but she also said, "Fortunately, my family [in Maryland] is all 
that I could wish for . . . my husband's affections for me increase instead of di- 
minishing"; and: "I have been fmtmiial:« m iHf «fcoice^-4ficre c&aM. never be 
another man in the imiverse more suited to me than my husband. He is as at- 
tentive as can be and fully appreciates the sacrifices I have made."^ 

Rosalie never wanted or planned lo teave her American family for her Euro- 
pean oiAe. Rather Ae teemed ^e would be aWe to mtegrtte hti two fiiftti'Kes. 
For the first ten years of her marriage Rosalie constantly made plans to return 
to Belgium. She believed her two families could be merged again if only she, 
George, and their children would emigrate to Belgium. 

While Rosalie was willing to remain in America, tttr^orttily in "her percep- 
tion, she realized that her growing family in America diminished her chances 
of being reunited with her family in Belgium. She tried, with little success, to 
limit the rtomber of cMldfen ^ bore, fit Mirdh 1*64 Ae wrote her MM^er, 
"I had hoped we would be content with these two [children], but it «eems not, 
and I am afraid that next November will not be the most pleasant month of 
the year." Early in her marriage she wrote her parents that she had a miscar- 
riage and %m feeling better #s<eei 1 M«j m tiiree years. 

Despite her reluctance, Rosalie ultimatdy gave birth to nine children. Obli- 



90 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



gations to her growing American family eventually forced her to give up her 
plans to return to her family of origin. In 1811 she admitted for the first time, 
"I no longer have any hopes of coming to you. Our family is now so large it 

A Balance of Styles 

Rosalie's recognition that she could not remain, physically, part of two fa- 
milial worlds did not, however, mark the end of her struggle over cultural 
identity. While family remained the most important aspect of her bicultural 
identity^ «mi^ @tb@r f»s^. ^ Kfe. jfiiC^ >^is pattern of cidtural ex- 
change. Long after she gave up pkeSf^M-»»0^^fSite her American and European 
families, she continued to exhibit her two cultural identities. Rosalie's at- 
tempts to balance her two worlds shaped the way she dressed, ate, spoke, 
worked, and w»Eshipped. 

Throughout her life, Rosalie imported most of her clothing from Europe, 
especially those clothes she wore to important social functions. Isabelle was 
her chief agent in Europe, and since she insisted that her clothes and house 
furnishings come from Europe, Isabelle did much of Rosalie's shopping. 
Rosalie told Isabelle generally what items she needed, but the styles were left 
entirely up to Isabelle. This enabled Rosalie to maintain close ties to Isabelle 
and simultaneously to project a public image as a European. But often Rosalie 
altered the clothes to resemble American styles as well. "Since [the lilac hat] 
was too dressy for morning, I took the brim off and made a toque out of it, or 
what we call here a 'turban' and now it is charming." Concerning a dress that 
was ftill length Rosalie wrote: "I don't think anyone is wearing them like that 
here, so I will shorten it all around."' ' 

In the early period of her life in America, when Rosalie entertained she 
served meals in the traditional European manner. "I prefer it greatly to the 
American mede of serving ffi tbe meals awd wgettWes together." By 1806 the 
effects of the intermingling of European and American cultures was obvious. 
Rosalie announced that she had decided to integrate the two dining methods. 
"I am going to introduce a quite new mode. I shall take the best fashions from 
the different countries."*^ 

Other, less public, areas of her life proved far more dilficult to integrate. 
Language, an extremely important part of Rosalie's European cultural identity, 
illustrated the nature and difficulty of cultural exchange in her life. Rosalie in- 
itially appeared quite pleased that her native ton^jfii garnered so much atten- 
tion in America. (People frequently sought her out to converse in French.) But 
language, like other facets of Rosalie's past, eventually reflected the influences 
of her American experiences. As time passed, she worried about losing her 
ability to write and speak i^iBeii. c^ff^eteiy focgotten Prench and 

cannot spell two words out of a dozeii, and I don't have time to do it correctly. 



The Worlds of Rosalie Stier Calvert 



91 



Besides, my children speak English all around me as I write." Again in 1815 
she expressed concern about this most obvious and important cultural change. 
"Don't you think, Dear Sister, that I write French worse every day? I have 
completely forgotten it — truly, 1 will soon have to write you in English. "^^ 

Rosalie's experiences with religion similarly illustrated her evolving cultural 
identity. Rosalie's family of strict Catholics insisted her children with George 
be raised Catholic as well. George and Rosalie even signed a marriage contract 
to that effect. But Rosalie found it increasingly difficult to practice her religion 
in America, "especially in my situation [vwth] a husband of another persua- 
sion." Counter to her family's wishes, and without their knowledge, Rosalie 
eventually joined George as a member of the Episcopal Church.^* 

Rosalie's experiences with American culture were also shaded by her Euro- 
pean background. Although she eventually resigned herself to life in America, 
she did not easily accept American institutions. For example, she possessed 
very little enthusiasm for republican government. In 1808 she wrote, "For my 
part I do- i^'l5W|fv®'B#^|6#liii!!iPPPII^ »ow. Th« east- 

ern and northern states will detach themselves and we will have a king in the 
South." Later that year she reiterated her skepticism of the stability of the 
young nation. "Our political horizon becomes darker each day. People talk 
openly of diss«rfving the union of states and if, as we fear, they continue with 
the present political system, that time is not far away." Overall, she bdievcd 
that "Republics are hell for people of wealth. "^^ 

Rosalie seemed equally ill-prepared to deal with American slavery. Indeed, 
her biggest complaint about America was the institution of slavery. "I rarely 
have time to rest and am nearly always behind in everything that needs to be 
done. But this is partly due to having poor servants whom I must supervise 
constantly." "That is what takes all my time here, because the servants are so 
bad." She wrote her family abroad explaining the subtle (and not so slAde) 
patterns of rebellion of slaves — breaking dishes, losing tools, misunderstand- 
ing directions. The net effect of all this seemed to Rosalie to be more work. "I 
have a i6t of WoA now, but It is bfeCitlse'f don't !ikv6 a single good servant. 
Were it not for that, I wouldn't have anything to do." At one point Rosalie 
suggested to George that it would be far simpler to hire servants than keep 
slaves, but he refused. Her views certainly were not reflective of any latent abo- 
litionism or hutaanl'tarianism. She did not thfnl: ^aveiy was immoral of un- 
ethical — merely an unnecessary bother that could be easily avoided by hiring 
servants. Rosalie attributed their differing opinions of slavery to their varied 
backgrounds. "My husband doesn't feel this inconvenience as I do, since he is 
used to ft."^^ 

The most intriguing and obvious example of the cultural exchange that oc- 
curred in Rosalie's life was her home, Riversdale. Riversdale was originally 
purchased by Henri Stier in 1801. When the Stier family returned to Belgium 
in 1803 the Calverts took over the plantation and moved into the main house. 



92 Mar]4tmdMistmi&dM&^Mne 




Riversdale, home of George and Rosalie Stier Calvert. Lithograph by B. King from an 1827 water- 
color by Anthony St. John Baker. (Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, California.) 

Living at Riversdale served as a daily reminder of Rosalie's physical and finan- 
cial connection to her family in Belgium. On the outside Riversdale looked 
very much like any other plantation. Over the years it was struck by the same 
droughts and floods as its neighbors; there were similar problems with slaves 
and overseers, with falling crop prices and soil erosion. But the interior of 
Riversdale was unique. And it was the inside of her home that most concerned 
Rosalie. All of the paintings, furniture, dishes, glassware, mantles, fabrics, and 
decorations were from Europe. For almost twenty years she worked to con- 
struct and decorate a home that reflected her European identity. 

Rosalie often wrote her sister, brother, and father to request furnishings for 
the house. Since they chose the pieces, their ideas and preferences shaped the 
home as much as those of George and Rosalie. When Charles questioned 
Rosalie's near-obsession with decorating Riversdale in a "European" manner 
she replied, "You write, dear Brother, that you don't understand how anyone 
could attach so much importance to ... a piece of furniture. But you are for- 
tunate to be able to pass your time with friends at will, while I am far removed 
from all those dear to me in whose society I could freely give way to my im- 
pulses." As Rosalie explained to Isabelle, the goods mattered less than who had 
selected them and where they came from. "You can't conceive, my dear 
Friend, how much more precious and meaningful these things are to me for 
having been chosen by you." She insisted, "[0]ur place is only an American 
farm, and I fear very much it will continue such if you do not aid us with your 
advice to beautify it."*'' 



The Worlds of Rosalie Stier Calvert 



93 



iKosalie proudly report to her EifTOpeiaii fkw^ that Rmfrsdale received a 
tremendous amount of attention from Americans. "People talk about the 
house a lot, and with great exaggeration, which amuses us immensely." "The 
reason people talk about our house is because of its distinctive style, and peo- 
ple always much admire anything done by Europeans."^^ 

Riversdale is a perfect metaphor of Rosalie's life. She tried desperately to 
maintain a European identity, but certain facets of her life necessarily con- 
formed to the reality of life in America. Like her house, she was American on 
the outside, in virtually all the circumstances she encountered. But inside she 
remained highly influenced by her past and by her desire to maintain a Euro- 
pean identity. Yet that (like decorating her house) took considerable effort and 
could only be attained with the help of her family abroad. 

Rosalie Calvert lived between two worlds, never entirely belonging to either. 
She recognized both the strength and the weakness of her bicultural experi- 
ence. In 1806 she wrote, "Every day I discover what a singular advantage it is 
to be a European in this country!" And yet when it came to sending her 
daughter abroad to be edac»tsd, ^9sdie iwondered, "don't you think a girl 
should always be raised where she is going to establish herself? I feel that from 
my own experience. One always retains the impressions received in childhood 
and an attachment to the country v^ere one's first years were spent which 
prevents being happy in another." When Henri Stier reflected on the kvel of 
cultural exchange that Rosalie had experienced, he wrote, "I think your hus- 
band would have trouble adapting to our country where the customs, lan- 
guage, and occupations are so different. 1 don't know if you yourself, having 
left at so young an age and having become i;Ked to other ways, would find life 
here more pleasant than there." 

Rosalie Calvert's life provides a window through which historians may ob- 
serve the processes' erf cultural exchange and self-fashioning in early America. 
Throughout her life, Rosalie worked hard to construct and preserve a distinct, 
and distinctly European, cultural identity. Yet much of the foundation of her 
identity rested in America. Although she was greatly influenced by her life in 
Maryland and by American cultural norms, Rosalie could not and would not 
abandon her past. Throughout her life she remained on an enSbtk>nal and cul- 
tural frontier, playing a balancing act with her identity. 



NOTES 

1. Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes 

Region, 1650-1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Mechal Sobel, The 
World They Made Together: Black and White Values in Eighteenth- Century Virginia 
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987). 



94 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



2. Margaret Law Callcott, ed., Mistress of Riversdak: The Plantation Letters of Rosalie Stier 
Calvert, 1795-1821 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), 2, 8. 

3. CsilcoVt, Mistress of Riversdale, 18. 

4. Rosalie Stier Calvert to Henri J. Stier and Marie Louise Stier, 16 September 1803; 
Rosalie Stier Calvert to Charles J. Stier, [n.d.] April 1811. Hereafter the names of family 
members will be denoted by initials only. Letters cited hereafter are found in Callcott, Mis- 
tress of Riversdak. 

5. RSC to Isabelle Stier Van Harve [hereafter ISVH], September 28, 1804; RSC to ISVH, 
May 6, 1815; RSC to ISVH, January 20, 1809. 

6. RSC to MLS, [n.d.] March 1804; RSC TO ISVH, July 30, 1804. For more on the nature 
of female networks of friendship and kinship see Caroll Smith-Rosenberg, "The Female 
World of Love and Ritual: Relations Between Women in Nineteenth-Century America," 
Signs, 1 (Autumn 1979): 1-29; Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, A Midwife's Tale: The Life of 
Martha Ballard, Based on Her Diary, 1785-1812 (Random House, 1990). 

7. RSC to HJS, August 28, 1804; RSC to ISVH, DecenAer 10, 1807; RSC to ISVH, Decem- 
ber 12, 1811. 

8. RSCtt) HfS, [n.d.] March 18#4;RSC%®«P, Amost^i, 1804. 

9. RSC to MLS, [n.d.] March 1804; RSC to HJS and MLS, Aafeust 12, 1803. 

10. RSC to CJS, [n.d.] April 1811. 

11. RSC to ISVH, 30 December 1817; RSC to ISVH, November 27, 1817. 

12. KSClfb<98,mmi^ I, IW6. 

13. RSC tefSVH, imffskt, W^; tSC to ISVH, Vehtmj 2, 181 1; to ISVH. May 6, 
1815. 

14. RSC to HJS, July 8, 1804; RSC to HJS, September 15, 1804; Caroline CaJvert to CJS, 

July 27, 1821. 

15. RSC to HJS, May 5, 1808; RSC to HJS, December 12, 1808; RSC to ISVH, February 2, 
1811. 

16. RSC to ISVH, March 5, 1816j RSC to HJS, January 25, 1805; RSC to ISVH, October 25, 
1816; RSC to MLS May 12, 1804. For mare oa the gendered experience with slavery see 
Catherine Clinton, The Plantation Mistress Women's World in the Old South (New York: 
^tbecm BoeiEs, 1962). 

17. RSGto CJS, December 10, 1808; RSC to ISVH, November 27, 1817; RSC to CJS, Sep- 
tember 19, 1819. 

18. RSC to HJS, September 6, 1806; RSC t^ ISVH, July 20, 1806. 

19. RSC to ISVH, July 20, 1 W6i.^iC tolSWi, October 30, 1809; HJS to RSC, December 
25, 1803. 



95 



Book Reviews 

The Architectural Drawings of Benjamin Henry Latrobe. Series II, Volume 2, 
Part 1 &n4¥Mt Iv JiH^ and Cltarles E. Bi#«(^k (Pd»iish®<l for the 

Maryland Historical Society and the American Philosophical Society. New Ha- 
ven: Yale University Press, 1994. 792 pp. Illustrations, notes, index. $135.00.) 

The fti^yeaj&m of these two vokimes is the cmtoakistkm of a reseacch and 
editorial project that stretches back to 1970 and has been a consuming labor of 
love for a roomful of notable historians. Indeed, the origins of the project re- 
ally extend to 1961, when the Maryland Historical Society acquired the first 
major component wkat has become one of its most precious holdings. 

Benjamin Henry Latrobe was prolific in both writing and illustration, and 
his collected papers are voluminous. The editorial project to produce a letter- 
press collection of his writings was launched in 1970 and has produced a stun- 
ning collection of iMrofee's work. Before proceeding to the volumes at hand, it 
is useful to briefly summarize the previously completed elements of the collec- 
tion. Series I, published in three volumes, comprises the collected journals of 
Latrobe, the first two volumes (published in 1977) covering Latrobe's early ca- 
reer in Virginia, aad tke third volume (1981) extending to his years in Phila- 
delphia, Washington, and New Orleans. 

Series II comprises the engineering and architectural drawings of Latrobe, 
subdivided in a somewhat confusing choice of nomenclature. Volume 1 covers 
his engineering work, published in 1980. Volume 2, to be rr^^iv^d here, pro- 
vides an in-depth examination of Latrobe's architectural drawings and actually 
consists of two folio volumes, designated Parts 1 and 2. Series III, published in 
1985, is a single volume titled Latrobe's View America. This hMidsome vol- 
ume provides the best overview of Latrdbe'« spl»stic work, and is a useful com- 
panion to the architectural volumes. 

The final collection. Series IV, is a three-volume compendium of correspon- 
dents and This coUectieii is indisp^isafeteiW aiiy-sdi-e^fity examina- 
tion of Latrobe's professional career and should be considered an i^p^ial 
companion to the architectural and engineering volumes. 

Confronted with hundreds of architectural drawings and thousands of 
pages of 'Cop^ol'ti^ ^ocymentati^ ibs iMtlrQct of TTte Ardtitectwal Ilrawiti^ 
have rightftilly placed their emphasis on the core needs of professional schol- 
arship. Rather than attempt a comprehensive analysis of Latrobe as an archi- 
tect and myriad related issues of architectural history, Cohen and Brownell 
have focused on f&0d^m% an @duwiil@if^- is^earched catalog ^ the archi- 
tect's surviving drawings. These nun^t^* approximately 380, covering an array 
of more than forty individual projects. 



96 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



The C(rflection opens with a pair of essays on Latrobe's architectural work. 
The first and longer of these explores the aesthetic and philosoptikai under- 
pinnings of Latrobe's practice, which was solidly grounded in neoclassicism 
but also incorporated elements of the picturesque and the sublime. In the sec- 
ond essdf i li^Bf^e's architectural draftsmanship is examined. Wkh the con- 
text for the architect's work in place, the authors pr^iied to a chirwielo^al 
examination of Latrobe's surviving record of work. 

This catalog is organized into six sections, each devoted to a distinct stage of 
h» difetr; iftid ftfid^ ^^fts<dsS't«!ft !^^^S^6i^0^M summary of the vrork that fol- 
lows. Within each section, the authors provide detailed histories of each pro- 
ject and analytical descriptions of the individual drawings. Given the breadth 
of this collection and the limitations of a review format, I will briefly note 
some of the highUghts ^(fi'^te ieoilfe#feii alid provide a summary of Latrobe's 
Maryland projects. 

The opening section covers Latrobe's early career in England, spanning the 
years 1783 to 1795. During this period Latrobe worked for the English engi- 
new j<Am Svatm/hicMi^M irtlill^ S. P. Co^ffeff; Iw dSso strode mrt on 
his own, designing at least two minor country houses and serving as architect 
for the London Police Offices in the early 1790s. Few drawings are known to 
survive for Latrobe's best work during this period, but his designs for Ham- 
merwood Lodge and Ashdown Hoikc are Anaifke4 khd well illtJ#fcpat«4 with 
photographs. Representative examples are included of Latrobe's early work for 
two Moravian communities in northern England; these are primarily of inter- 
est as a measure of his earliest known work, but are also useful for the study of 
commwws? l*lttg M ffife kte ^h^eii*h ^tury. 

The second section, titled "New Beginnings in Virginia, 1796-1798," covers 
a particularly interesting period of Latrobe's career. Newly arrived in America, 
Lalfdb'c sCraniblcd to securfe'work in a place where archftceture was not yet es- 
tablished as a true profession. He produced designs for at least a dozen build- 
ings during this span, but only three are ki^wti to have been built and those 
have all been destroyed. 

Four of Aese merit special mention. Two arc ptiblic works projects, one for 
a theater in Richmond (never executed); the other his design for the Virginia 
State Penitentiary (demolished). Both of these projects are important bench- 
marks in the study of specific building types. His designs for the Harvie-Gam- 
ble Wotise ih Mdifffbnd (^erttclshed), and for John Tayloe (nM built) arc 
notable in the history of neoclassicism. The Tayloe design is particularly ap- 
pealing. This was among Latrobe's most sophisticated residential designs, in- 
corporating a circular rotunda or tribune at the core of the house, with the 
principal public r&fSrnM ri^iittig ft^iii it. BftA designs refiect innovation in 
American residential design and, if they stood today, wouM be nalioMl land- 
marks. 

The Virginia years are followed by a section dedicated to Latrobe's work in 



Book Reviews 



97 



Philadelphia, 1798-1807. This was an especially important period in Latrobe's 
career. When he left Virginia, he was still lacking a sound foundation for pro- 
fessional practice, though the penitentiary was an important step forward into 
the public eye. He was drawn to PhiladeliAia by the opportunk^t^^^l^ii^ilhe 
new Bank of Pennsylvania and was soon at work on the Philadelphia Water- 
works as well. The bank established Latrobe as a designer of the first rank; the 
waterworks brot^^ tecdgnition ttf".4ii>asftkftie tcttfeftiation ctf eftginetring 
and architectural skills. 

During this same period Latrobe prepared designs for Riversdale, the Mary- 
land home of Henri Joseph Stier. Located in Prince George's County and now 
open to tte iwMr,'!litcrsdale as bait is tm Mifirtf * reMit of Lssfrafe^'s de- 
sign. Elements of his design are certainly evident, hc»#wer, oveiMi bif lOddifi- 
cations probably developed by Stier and Washington architect and master 
builder William Lovering. Three drawings have survived — a pair of elevations 
and the plan of the second Story. The design incorporsttes a circular two-story 
piHery much like the Tayloe proposal and closely resembles LttKSfee^ conttrQ- 
porary design for Clifton, a country house in Virginia. 

The fourth section of the collection chronicles Latrobe's work in Washing- 
ton during the ywm 1802 to 1813, beginning with his appointment as second 
architect of the Capitol. This was the first of tm^ Iwildkig campaigns Latrobe 
was to undertake on the Capitol, and the two essays provided here on that 
project could stand alone as a separate book. Indeed, this chapter establishes 
Latrobe as a major figure in public building for the federal government. In ad- 
dition to the Capitol, Latrobe also worked on the President's House and exe- 
cuted designs for a naval arsenal, the Naval Hospital and Asylum, and powder 
magazines in Washington, Norfolk, and Baltimore. 

Concurrently with this work, Latrobe was commissioned to produce des%ns 
for the Basilica of the Assumption in Baltimore. Latrobe offered two alterna- 
tives. The first of these was in the Gothic style, a fashion that remained largely 
unexpior«i in America M the^ame. Latrobe preferMiKhis plan, and grounded 
his argument in its fiivor m ^B^mtpmrnftecedents. AS'llrt«^^«atVfe, he ©ffisral 
the more conservative neoclassical design that Bishop John Carroll eventually 
selected and built. The text for this one building project is representative of the 
cktail to be foufid — sixty pages of text, nm4 9mmXb»m, aild mefflty pfeftes of 
dravdngs, two repeated in a stuiMiiiig colteetto» -of eoixM' pktes. The analysis 
ranges from an evaluation of the source for the Gothic design, to excerpts 
from Latrobe's explanation of the modular system that he used to calculate the 
b*^ components of the plan. 

The final two sections of the collection review pn^KlS m WaAis^on, Bal- 
timore, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, and New Orleans. Prominent among these 
are Latrobe's second tenure on the Capitol and his designs for St. John's 
Church and the Stephen Decatur House in Washingt0»i'4fl*d the Second Bank 
of the United States in Philadelirfiia. Of interest to Maryland readers wiH be 



98 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



sections on the Baltimore Exchange, designed in conjunction with Maximilian 
Godefroy, brief comments and a pair of 1820s illustrations of Latrobe's Wash- 
ington County Courthouse in Hagerstown, and designs for the Library Com- 
pany of Baltimore and the Unitarian Church, also ift M»itt^e. Regrettably, 
the Exchange and the Hagerstown courthouse are long gone, and his designs 
for the church and library in Baltamere sever came to fruition. 

The net result is a hikvAmm^f*<o4fk:id, radiaustiwly i1»earched survey of 
Latrobe's work as illustrated by his surviving drawings. Scholars need not be 
concerned with Latrobe to find value here. Latrobe was a central figure in the 
effort to build the physical manifestations of a federal government, and his pa- 
pers may be used for a myriwd^issues. Latrobe's work protides important in- 
sights into the rise of architecture as a distinct pra^eKion, for example, mn<A his 
drawings range from design development and presentation drawings to some 
of the earliest examples of detailed working drawings known to survive in 
America. Scholars will find much in-tfee imm^ of the drawings as well, which 
offer insights into such diverse matters as changing room use in g^try boi^es, 
the structural challenges of building domes, and the earliest glimmerings of 
Greek Revival detail in domestic interiors. Authors Jeffrey Cohen and Charles 
Brownell have dedicated substantial fjewtions of their careers to this project, 
and the result will be a standard r^6ie»ce foF generations to come. 

Orlando V. Ridout 
Maryland Historical Trust 

A Necessary Evil? Slavery and the Debate Over the Constitution. Edited by John 
P. Kaminski. (Constitutional Heritage Series, vol. 2. Madison, Wisconsin: 
Madison House Publishers, Inc., 1995. 304 pages, bibliography, index. 
$32.95.) 

Collected in A Necessary Evil? Slavery and the Debate Over the Constitution 
aise met 150 original •docmttiftits offering a unique insight into the attitudes 
toward slavery around the time «f the founding of the U.S. Cons^tudon. John 
P. Kaminski, director of the Center for the Study of the American Constitu- 
tion at the University of Wisconsin, has assembled a superb documents vol- 
untettrnt will be of interest botfe to ilodents and the general reader. 

"This book," Kaminski b^ns, ". . . asks the question of how Americans 
could enter their Revolutionary struggle for independence with an empathy 
toward black slaves deprived of their liberties, only to have many Americans 
change that empathy into an institutionalized justification of slavery and a bla- 
tant racism thatstijgniatized freed blacks" (x). Several possible answers are re- 
vealed along the way. As I worked my way through the documents, I began to 
understand more fully the dilemma in the founding generation's mind be- 
tween slavery and freedom. 

How could a people, whose leaders during the American Revolution dedi- 



Book Reviews 



99 



cated their "lives, fortunes and sacred honor" to the principles of liberty and 
human dignity, allow the institution of slavery to continue in the new nation? 
The words of the founding generation, extracted from public debates and pri- 
Jisflif^i^ a number of reasoflUL'Tlii mi'tSl^m^ yf 

the editor, and the one suggested in the title "A Necessary Evil?", is that slav- 
ery, though believed by many to be morally reprehensible, could not be abol- 
ished at this critical stage of nation-building. 

A Nmmsmf-Mv^^ 'WKf^mmm^&t^HM^i^ it sbeds mi tke fomUdiug federa- 
tion's attitude toward the moral, political and economic issues they had to 
confront both as men of conscience and as nation-builders. For example, in a 
letter (May 10, 1786) to the Marquis de Lafayette on his plan of effliEfncipating 
the slaves, George Washin^«» revealed hitJ^Wibts and at the same tirtse ex- 
pressed his hopes for the project when he wrote: "Would to God a like spirit 
would diffuse itself generally into the minds of the people of this country; but 
I despair of seeing it. . . . To Set #«!ni'ii^Srt at once wo«id, I r«% bdSei^, be 
productive of much inconvenience and mischief; but by degrees it certainly 
might, and assuredly ought to be effected; . . ." (26). 

Although slavery was nowhere explicitly mentioned in the Constitution, our 
nation's fundamental law, prior to the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment 
in 1865, had condoned its existence. Slaves appeared in the document c«tly by 
implication, as the "such Persons" with whose importation Congress was 
barred from interfering before 1808, as the "other Persons" counted as three- 
fifths of "fi-ee Persons" in the apportionment of representatives and taxes, and 
as those "held to Service or Labour" who, if they managed to flee to "free" 
states, had to be returned to their owners. Nevertheless, Kaminski reminds us 
in chapter 2, "The Constitutional Convention and Slavery," that these four 
provisions, which made the Constitu^wi a ^fo-»lavery document, were the 
first of many compromises by which Ae cmiflkt between ntartii aad south, 
freedom and slavery, was postponed. 

The documents make both the general point that failure to resolve the di- 
lemma shaped our nation's heritage, and the more specific and debatable 
point that Jefferson, Madison, and Washington's failure to take the lead on 
this issue deprived the early emancipation movement of the support it so des- 
perately needed. This second point is the subject of chapter 7, "Slavery and the 
Founders: Three Perspectives." Kamin^ b^^s this final chapter by asking 
the following question: "Why would highly principled men such as Washing- 
ton, Jefferson, and Madison refuse to act on their convictions?" (243). One ex- 
planation k tiiat kt msf be a i^Mtef of tknifi^ both reform and chan^ in 
pwjWk Opinion. Ji^ersMb'ki al«MaEr ^lilty^, 1626) to James Heaton, warned 
that "[a] good cause is often injured more by ill-timed efforts of its friends 
than by the arguments of its enemies. . . . The revolution in public opinion 
which this cause fcquhres, is not to be expected in a day, or perhaps in an age; 
but time, which outlives all things, will outlive this evil also" (267). 



100 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



Readers will admire the editor's care in choosing the documents for this vol- 
ume. The variety, for the most part, is quite impressive. However, I was disap- 
pointed to discover that, apart from the reference to the famous Massachusetts 
case outlawing slavery (Commonwealth of Massachus«tf»ii. fte i w wiiB l 
nison [17-18]), "judicial" documents relevant to the debate were not selected. 
For example, excerpts from state cases on so-called "freedom suits" would 
have fit with the editor's objective in documenting the dramatic change in the 
character of the American people and their attitude toward freedom and slav- 
ery in the decade or so after the signing of the Declaration of Independence. 
Many African-Americans won their freedom in these cases, in the South as 
vpdl as in and the judges oftefe Tiskrrc&to the natura'1 1^ ptfeiciples 

of the Revofali@« in justifying their decisions. In Maryland alone theic Wme 
138 of these cases (Robert J. Brugger, Maryland: A Middle Temperament, 
1634-1980 [1988], 169). However, during the early nineteenth century this 
tendency Wi^Kei cwift»a4@ft^4Mi@lers)lAe8'Hi< weighing e^ldi^i^, rep>«ta- 
ti&n, and aneestry, and paid.^SlMm'^^kmme to i^^ativ« policy concerning 
manumission. 

This engaging book succeeds in bringing to light the moral and political de- 
bate over skvery at the beginning-wf ^ American nation. In doing so, Kamin- 
ski flmmnAs us that the debate is not just for students and professors of 
American history. The format of his book should make the debate over this 
central paradox of American history far more accessible and far more under- 
stood. 

Michael C. Tolley 
Northeastern University 

Daughters of Cmmart: A Saga of Southern Women. By Margaret Ripley Wolfe. 
(New Perspectives on the South. Ed. Charles P. Roland. Lexington: University 
Press of Kentucky, 1995. 293 pages. Notes, index. Cloth, $37.50.) 

In the life cycle of a sub-field « kteoff^ if the measure of matmrity is a ca- 
cophony of both conflicting and co*fc^ftnentary interpretations, a veritable 
explosion of studies crying out for synthesis, then the study of southern 
women's history has come of age. In recent years, fascinating and compelling 
works in southerti l*®m«i's history iitiwe enriched our vnidfer^ffiadi^ -of the 
effect of regional social and economic dii^Ti^ices on the development of gen- 
der and family in the South. Margaret R^fef Wolfe's new book. Daughters of 
GatmmK A Saga of SmUhetn Wemen, ffli»H-»iif)iortatit step towarsd sorting out 
aii the ksaeS'Sfid naances of this exeMi^ and Uossoming sub-field. At long 
last we now have a synthesis of southern women's history. 

Wolfe's concise yet comprehensive work, grounded in the Old Testament 
themes of promise and fidfillmeMt, aims to sort otit myth froin reality, a prob- 



Book Reviews 



101 



lem that has plagued the study of southern women for some time now and has 
contributed to considerable misrepresentation and misunderstanding. More- 
over, W^lfc 'Seehi to rescue the study of southern women from the larger do- 
main of "iAm^Smsm" women's history in which southern women are so -eiten 
factored out or neatly qualified. For some, the existence of slavery has meant 
an "exceptional" South that was necessarily inhabited by "exceptional" 
women. 

The framework of the book, naturally, is largely chronologicifl. The story 
proceeds at a brisk clip, beginning with the earliest contacts between southern 
Indians and European visitors, proceeding to the eras of American Revolution 
and -Civil War and ReconstradtiWB', -ihen settling on the postbellum and 
modern South. Along the way Wolfe alludes to somi ©f the key historiog- 
raphical debates among those who study southern women, debates that fre- 
quently mirror those fought out in the larger arena of southern history. To 
what extent were southern vraiiieii •^flfeMft from their Northern counter- 
parts? Did slavery and patriarchy in fact forge an exceptional people distinct 
from other Americans? Or did these women of the South share a bond with 
their Yankee sisters that has been eclipsed by an emphasis on racial divisions? 
And did tbfe CMl War mark an in^j^rtiwt "-mmetiHtit^ i» Ac lives of southern 
women, or did the currents of continuity carry them into modernity? 

Unfortunately, we do not get definitive answers to these questions. The 
most serious flaw of the book is one typical of the synthetic genres; that is, in 
broachkig such an expansive time period Wolfe ^@sses eivmc important de- 
bates and provides little in the way of critical analysis. Wolfe's voice is all but 
lost in her presentation of the interpretations of so many other historians. But 
in the author's defense, that was not the stated purpose of the project. That re- 
mains the task for another project. Rather, her ^0b was to put forth the myriad 
views of others. Still, a more authoritative tone may have helped the reader 
plow through some contentious scholarly waters. Most notably, was the expe- 
rience of southern women fundMnraitally different from that of Northern 
women? What .«aa^ jftjese- ssromen unique, if indeed they were unique at all? 
Wolfe ruminates on the effect of numerous factors on the lives of southern 
women: the enduring frontier, rural culture, the persistence of household 
ec®nomies, slavery, a chivalric code, the prominence of Evangelicalism, a 
strong sense of place, and other constraints that kept them from the public 
sector. But in the end, what about the common ground they share with 
Northern women? Wolfe's insight into these questions would have been most 
instructive. 

Wolfe skillfully dodges the land mines of caricaturing southern women as 
victims yet she is mindful of the danger of imbuing these women with too 
much agency. For example, she notes that although "there was no southern 
counl«|i^i$ t0 the «iMnen'9^r^ilss esiMMMI^i^ at Seneca Falls, New York« im 
1848, southern women made contributions not only within the privacy of 



102 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



their families and households but also to the larger world of the communities 
in which they lived. Their influence, albeit limited, was no less real" (62). This 
delicate balance is more apparent still in her treatment of blac^ wom&li.f¥^\Mt 
acknowledges tliptf^umanizing effect the "peculiar institution" iMi dH Afri- 
can-American women, but includes individual accounts of great courage and 
agency, like the Louisiana freedwoman whose small child was purportedly 
killed by the pair's master as they fled. The woman carried the dead child with 
her so it could be buried "free" (77, 117). 

A few other minor criticisms warrant attention. Occasionally, the book is a 
bit too celebratory and not as critical as it could have been. For example, 
where are the accounts of jedwus «ii^*es»es iftiStteating house servants of 
which Harriet Jacobs and others have written? In addition, the author could 
have bolstered her work had she included some of the most recent work by 
younger scholars who have made some important contributions to the field of 
southern W9nieii'"s history, for extiMple, the dissertations of Kathleen Brown, 
Glenda Gilmore and Martha Hodes, which mark the next generation of im- 
portant works on gender in the South. (Kathleen Brown, "Gender and the 
Genesis of a Race and Class System in Virginia, 1630-1750," Ph.D. diss.. Uni- 
versity ©f Wisconsin, 1990; Glenda E. Gilmore, "Gender and fim Crow: 
Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896-1920," 
Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina, 1992; and, Martha Hodes, "Sex 
Across the Color Line: White Women and Black Men in the Nineteenth-Cen- 
tufy Afflewcan S#uth,'' «i.D. diss., Princeton University, 1991). Las%, the 
book lacks a bibliography. This is a curious omission since many who use this 
book will want a quick reference to the numerous citations. 

These few points should not detract from Wolfe's cfaMng of a masterly syn- 
thesis, a much harda- project than it we^M ^peaft l%ere is much ahmit this 
book to be lauded: for one, the author's concerted effort to be all-inclusive. 
Native Americans, African Americans, slaveholding and non-slaveholding 
whites, rich and poor, highbrow m& ileMjrow, the femous and the dispos- 
sessed, ChrisMan and nonbelieverii M receive attestion. Most importantly, the 
work fills a gap. Daughters of Canaan will serve as an excellent textbook for 
anyone teaching a course on gender and family in the American South. 

EhANE Miller Sommerville 
Princeton University 

The President Is at Camp David. By W. Dale Nelson. (Syracuse: Syracuse Uni- 
versity Press, 1995. 216 pages, 41 illustrations, index. $24.95.) 

Modern presidents need retreats where they can mull over strategies of war 
and peace, or where they can go just to relax. In time of war the getaway place 
requires security, secrecy, and close proximity to Washington. These demands 



Book Reviews 103 

led Franklin Roosevelt to create a rustic refuge sixty miles north of the White 
House in Maryland's Catoctin Mountains in the summer of 1942. The nation 
was at total war and its leader needed occasional seclusion to deliberate on its 
successf^fl conclusion ¥#fWtf#the end of his life, 8««lN*v«lt ako ref«ire<f wiOTe 
rest. Ten presidents later, the small cluster of cabins has become a modern re- 
sort with a two-million-doUar discretionary fund for updating and luxuriat- 
ing. Yet its overriding purposes have remained unchanged for most of our 
leaders and for others from aretmd the world. Initially dubbed Shangri-La 
(from a James Hilton novel) to denote an imaginary repose from barbarism, 
the refuge was renamed by the third tenant, Dwight Eisenhower, in honor of 
his grandson, who wrote the foreword for this informative book. In the years 
since that change. Camp David has become synonymous with the search for 
alternatives to war. 

How eleven presidents have used Maryland's most famous, yet most secre- 
fsve dte is tfie si^ject of W. Dale Nelson's revealing and well-written mono- 
graph. The kaders who have used it feest, ifeeginning witk its fottnder, have 
brought their world counterparts to the mountain retreat to help bring a vari- 
ety of wars to an end. Some have used it more simply, yet wisely, as a place to 
unwind and enjoy the wooiied ««atd!®©rs. Ronald Reagan spent 547 days at 
Camp David, far more than the other president (Eisenhower) who served two 
full terms. More than anyone else, Reagan used the "camp" for purely per- 
sonal and family pleasures. Still, he broadcast 150 of his popular weekly radio 
talks there in his comfortable flannel shirt. Nixon, on the other hand, gazed in 
starched collar into an indoor fire in August, which is perhaps symptomatic of 
his ultimate failure as a national leader. For Nixon, Camp David became a 
place to brood over the trauma of Watergate rather than to regroup or to ex- 
punge his dark side. He disappeared into what became a wooden fortress for 
days, «©«netimes weeks, emerging mopg paralyzed than emotionally restored. 
The contrast with the founder of the retreat could not have been greater. The 
physically disabled, war -weary Roosevelt relished the rustic simplicity, fished 
the nearby stream with Winston Chyrchill, and worked on his stamp collec- 
tion for relaxation. The physically complete Nixon made little use of the 
camp's recreational facilities yet overspent its budget and sought special tax 
breaks. 

The fate of the nation, and parts or much of the world, sometimes hinged 
on what happened or faikd to transpire in the northern Maryland mountains. 
In the late 1950s an arms race breakthrough inched forward at Camp David 
between two gregarious Cold War warriors, Nikita Khrushchev and Ike, until 
word of the U-2 fiasco arrived at the wooded ai«a«t^r Gettysburg. In the next 
decade a tormented warrior, Lyndon Johnson, brought his major advisors to 
Camp David to deliberate on expansion or reduction of the war in Vietnam. 
Some presidents, notably Jimmy Carter, successfully used the secluded retreat 
to advance Middle Eastern peace. Perhaps Reagan's therapeutic use of the 



104 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



mountains produced a mysterious transformation of his beliefs about the So- 
viet Union, which would be consistent with the parable of Shangri-La. 

These are speculations that Nelson avoids in his straightforward and inter- 
mi^mim^**^ 1KCf » 1l lke e years of important his«o(^feii#i£iM««^ iMii^presi- 
dential recreation at the world's most important getaway location. Nelson, a 
former, long-time reporter for the Associated Press, learned to use his lan- 
guage well in his trade, and research skills, too. He mined presidential librar- 
ies, «^MI@«»s, 4md>ne««» m^m%s>miiA-imMmKk iAss art of ord fci^@ry in the 
interviews he conducted with important first-hand sources of life at Camp 
David. He has also sprinkled revealing photographs of presidents in action and 
imctkm tlirott^oat *e text. S&tm €i ti«a»-»t« Wtili a fhoesa^ m>rds. 
Nixon, in formal dress, standing alone near a ^>otless dining room window, 
looking downward rather than at the pristine snow outdoors; Carter, studying 
a briefing book; Reagan regaling congressmen and enjoying his family, all rid- 
ing hoiMM. Hiese photographs captflfre thfe isssences of afl the presidents and 
the site him used in different ways. 

Our current president has made little use of the retreat in the woods. He 
chose an air force base in Ohio to bring the Balkan war to a close. What that 
signifies might bring Nelsoi»y*»'ll)le reporter/historiarSy bade to the subject in 
a shorter piece f®r msi^Mr^pyrtjlkation. 

John B. Wiseman 
Frostburg State University 

The Naval Institute Historical Atlas of the U.S. Navy. By Craig L. Symonds. 
Maps by William J. Clipson (Annapolis, Md.: Naval Institute Press, 1995. 241 
pages, 94 maps, illustrations, index, $39.95.) 

There are quite a number of overall histories of the U.S. Navy, both in and 
out of print, but none of them can be described as being simultaneously com- 
pact, accessible, readable, and suitable both for the younger or uninitiated 
reader interested in the navy, ^iQid 'ftft'llfe FtMe advanced reader as a conven- 
ient graphic reference and supplement to other books. 

The author, a professor of history and former department chair at the U.S. 
Naval Academy, has taken an approach to the subject which, to the knowledge 
of this re\^*#et, is afti^ie. %W«5rtd5s hm fsilGwed the general 

scheme of The West Point Atlas of American Wars and similar works, of several 
of which he is the author. He has divided the history of the navy from 1775 to 
1994 into ten periods. Each period of major warfare, and the intervals be- 
tmen, k cffrnM iU a l^^aift N^SllMi.^^W^'fection is opened by a hkt&rkal 
summary of the period in a few pages to place the more detailed material 
which follows in context and provide continuity. Thereafter, each campaign, 
significant adfow, or major point of policy is ^iiscHisied ih « single page, facing 



Book Reviews 



105 



an annotated map illustrating the operations or graphically describing the 
point. As the author states in his introduction, such a format puts the empha- 
sis on operations, yet a surprising amount of background detail is presented in 
#lief4aBi!(^»e'l»«*'W|#iif readable text. Operations of«»iiet navies are included 
where they are important. For example, the major naval aspects of World War 
1 prior to the U.S. involvement, including the battle of Jutland, are discussed 
in Map 49. 

The level of detatl wries consideriMy, Spending on the period under dis- 
cussion. For example, covering World War II in forty-eight pages and twenty- 
five maps means that details are limited, while the Battle of Lake Champ lain in 
1814, because of its strategic importance, has page 52 and Map 20 to itself. 
Some of the details are fascinating, and useful to any student. For exan^le. 
Map 20 includes a sketch showing how springs on anchor cables were used 
when fighting at anchor in the days of sail. It is common to see this referred to, 
but it is the only illustration of how it works that this reviewer has ever seen 
outsMe ip^k^ied' 'vmks on s tmmmM f of tlie peMid O^kt&t ■•y^mpies of 
unique and useful graphic presentations are the distribution of the "Gunboat 
Navy" of Thomas Jefferson in Map 14, the illustration showing the geographic 
problems of the Union blockade during the Civil War in Map 30, and the il- 
li^ctioti^^ ¥^@fliii1id«>eif^ Waiiiington Treaty of 1922 an M«p 
52. The evolution from the Orange Plan to the Rainbow Plans for war in the 
Pacific is interestingly covered in Map 53. Map 84 is an excellent diagram of 
the Cuban Missile Crisis operations, while maps 85 through 89 cover Viet 
Na^K^a-^rtbensively. The Chesapeake Bay operations of 1814 are well cov- 
ered in Map 19. 

The division of more than two centuries into ten periods leads to occa- 
sional probkiBS of e^tinuity. For example, part VII covers 1901 to 1939. 
One reads text on p«ge& H9 to 121 that carries #ic«tory up to 1917, turns the 
page to Map 47, and is snatched back to the voyage of the Great White Fleet 
around the world in 1907-09. In fairness, this is an inevitable problem of the 
fotvmt. 

Th&re are some minor production probtomf which do not detract from the 
usefulness of the book but which are unfortunate in a scholarly work likely to 
be used for study or reference. First, unlike most Naval Institute publications, 
llicrc arc signs that the book could have used ti^^i^ -editing. To cite tw© ex- 
amples, on page 120 there is mention of the "Queen Mary" class of oil-burn- 
ing British battleships, when clearly the reference should be to the Queen 
Elizabeth class; on page 196 there is a reference to LSTs drawing twenty-nine 
feet, of wato", which is about twice the mtvt^ figure. A second mine* prcA)lem 
is common to many books since the advent ^ vford processors and spell- 
checking, which will not pick up an error that produces a different but cor- 
rectly spelled word. For example, on page 132 the word "interred" appears, 
but evidently "interned" was meant. Lastly, some of the photographic illustra- 



106 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



tions are very dark and mfHTif il^^ie, jSBch Ae pteoto on- f»ge 205 of a So- 
viet missile site in Cuba. 

The author and cartographer are to be congratulated. The minor produc- 
tion pftkil^^mmm'^if^a^ftff^^e fact that they IWlW-miMi^ a raiique and 
first-class addition to a large body of literatwij ORn be reroui- 

mended to any interested reader. 

Henry S. Morgan, Rear Admiral, USN (retired) 

Gibson Island 

The Civil War in Popular Culture: A Reusable Past. By Jim Cullen. (Washing- 
ton, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1995. 264 pages. Notes, index, illus- 
trations. $29.95.) 

Published dissertations tend to have much in common with second Heuten- 
ants newly arrived at the front. Both usually carry excessive equipage, display 
too muehf^^awty aiimpt&p&t rfteflS^Ute, wd htve iRftti*ely too much faith in 
what was learned in school. This work is a case in point. 

In a short, confusing introduction, but one that is valuable as a window into 
current scholarly trends, author Jim Cullen shows off drill as he has learned it. 
Aeifeiaic theofki'Sftd *8eki*«ts fllf*^ €mf¥fh^t. Gulten, a kcter^ in his- 
tory, literature, and expository writing at Harvard, describes himself not as a 
professional historian but as a student of Popular Culture, more specifically, 
an exek-ed participant in "th* i^erging subdiscipline of hfetory ©f memory" 
(3). With a ritual nod toward the new populism — it was new, perhaps thfoty 
years ago — he explains his work as "an attempt to affirm" recent scholarship's 
"focus on the minds and lives of those who have been traditionally over- 
looked" and praises his celle^ues in tht new academe for seeking "to liberate 
readers from epistemological domination" (6). With a drum roll he reminds 
readers of the dangers inherent in what used to be called intellectual history 
but is now a variety of wrangling but job-creating subdisciplines: "No one can 
be altogether sure of how any given person or group understands a particular 
documenf {7). (One comld argue here that lots of documents are perfectly 
clear to everyone, for example, the orders read to a firing squad, but why quib- 
ble with something so silly?) Assuring us with an obfuscatory flourish that 
"findings take on significance only when they are interpreted; when larger 
meanings are at least implied; when we move beyond the realm of quantified cer- 
tainty into one of imaginative speculation [italics mine]" (7), Cullen plunges 
into the No Man's Land of popular culture, promising nothing conclusive, only 
that he will try to make "revealing juxtapositions and suggestive observations" 
along the way. The subject is, of course, the immensely complex and interesting 
American Civil War and how it has been "used" by various artists and groups 
in the twentieth century. This sounds like it is going to be fun, and it is. 



Book Reviews 



107 



As befits someone wh© has wriife®! ier Rolling Stone, the Ckvekmd Flmn- 
Dealer, and Newsday, Cullen reveals himself to be a sharp observer and an en- 
gaging stylist. An early chapter on Lincoln biographers Carl Sandburg and 
James "G. IfeiftM novelists Gore Vidal (Lincoln) antf-Wifflfara Safite (Free- 
dom) is intriguing historiography. Sandburg's work assuaged the fears of a De- 
pression-stricken nation by showing that in times of crisis America produced 
leaders equipped with fundamental decency and common sense (Lincoln, 
M>R). Randall, representing "hist^^ms who despi^ •irrrapunsible political 
leadership and distrusted the capacity of the people for wsdom, created a con- 
servative Lincoln who brokered between fire-eating secessionist and Radical 
Republican extremes. So far, so good. Soon, though, we hear the clanking of 
that extra baggage. "To greater or lesser degrees, race k)oms over the whole 
book" (4) Cullen warns in his introduction. The statement "Vidal's Lincofej is 
racist" (62) nevertheless seems deliberately clangorous, a willful attempt to 
combine in one breath the beloved idol and the new favorite word. It also ig- 
nores the obvious reality that most of the Aiscricaa i/^te population in 1860 
did not share the perfection some have so recently attained. 

More "suggestive observations" follow. "The key issue looming over the 
novel Gone with the Wind . . . was the women's movement" (4) will doubtless 
enlighten many of the heretofore benighted. CuUen's description of how Mar- 
garet Mitchell's treatments of race, class, and gender were altered for the film 
will entertain the generalist while pleasing departments of women's studies. A 
rambling analysis of rock 'n' roll groups who sang about being southern as 
their v«iy of opposing Civil Rights gains is at least one way of looicinf at be- 
havior that was also at once calculated, rebellious, and lucrative. The Civil War 
connection is here most tenuous, except for Lynyrd Skynyrd, who sometimes 
played before a huge Confederate battleflag. A chapter on the 1989 film Glory 
c@M€nd»'^iM' it« Gsest®i's'- purpose was to counter tiie ikfua^ immoral legacy 
of Vietnam by showing that wars are sometimes nobly fought for noble pur- 
poses. The equally popular Gettysburg (1993), based on Michael Shaara's The 
Killer Angels, wherein men simply fought nobly, is dismissed as an example of 
"willed forgetfulness" for the reason that slavery was barely mentioned. A fi- 
nal chapter argues that "in a multicultural society where minorities are show- 
ing a new awareness of their own pasts and the elements that distinguish their 
M^ories from that ctf Ac Europeasi Aweiiean majority" (5), modern reenac- 
tors embrace the Civil War as their own coltural preserve. Fittingly, to illus- 
trate this phenomenon Cullen bypasses tens of thousands of white male 
reenactors to interview a female infantryperson of the latter-day 2nd Rhode 
Island VoJtinteers. 

There are some troubling suppositions in this ocGm^mAsMy proTOca^e but 
more often irritating book. One is that since "all history is an act of manipula- 
tion" (166) it is permissible to "use" history for one purpose or another so 
long as those purposes are "democratic," meaning, one supposes, agreeable. 



108 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



The ideal long held by professional historians of keeping one's philosophy in 
check while adhering to the evidence has failed so often, CuUen concludes, it is 
no longer worth attempting. For those who disagree, and apropos this book, 
D?pe1«i!^>fe(SrtlB^ttii^ i^ecently published biography of Lincoladfcottl*fl^- 
vide temporary solace. 

Another problem is that this critique of popular culture comes from a nar- 
row academic "culture" of the hothouse variety, wherein terms like "racist" 
and "racism" are bandied frg^ # ti l f i ki t ^mmi»t6e that all approve, and wha-e 
this or that is "affirmed" (e.g., "the struggle for black enlistment was Mfftd*o- 
gether affirming" [146]) with catechistic regularity. This kind of language, and 
the thinking that produced it, is unfortunately constrictive. The subject is huge 
and exceedingly worthy, the author imagiiwtl^ and talen«Bi, but time after 
time opportunities for insight wilt under the hard glare of rigorous academic 
discipline. For an instructive comparison, and to see how this subject could 
have been treated, one should read Paul Fussell's The Great War and Modern 
Memory (CMord Ujfivmll^^ilS, 1975). Next to it, The Civil War in Popular 
Culture is but another report from the aca<kmic freiltj a ^redfcftsWe and 
gloomy one at that. 

Robert I. Cottom, Jr. 

Baltimore 

Artisans in the North Carolina Backcountry. By Johanna Miller Lewis. (Lex- 
ington: University Press of Kentucky, 1995. 212 pages. Appendices, notes, bib- 
liograi*y, ifidex. $34.95.) 

This account of artisan practice in North Carolina during the late colonial 
period summarizes in a brief but tightly woven narrative the experiences of 
sMied v^Mm i« E&vrait Cotmty ais AmM^ mmm[m»'4m4^i^im^ someces; 
primarily wills, tax lists, and court documents. To her narrative Johanna 
Miller Lewis adds seven appendices which provide samples of some of the 
more intriguing records, a glossary of archaic terms, lists of all the known arti- 
sans \^ WC^S^^ R#«W» Oam^'^fmit Wm to- ITTO, «*# *ec6tkJl of a 
hat maker named Robert Johnston who was brought before the district supe- 
rior court for the "abominable crime of Buggery." Lewis provides a broad 
overflew of het fubject, spieed l*»e ftirt lhe intriguing miiwiMa of 
everyday Ms. 

The book opens with a disci^ilon of previous historical examinations of ar- 
tisan life in the backcountry t^lilh points out that most historical studies of 
colomal artisan* have concentrated on urban settings and consequently ha^e 
tended to overlook or dismiss the numerous rural communities that were, in 
many ways, more typical and thus more representative. The next three chap- 
ters then delve into the specific sequences of commercial growth for Rowan 



Book Reviews 



109 



County artisans beginning with pioneer enterprises and concluding with a dis- 
cussion of the influences of the Moravians who created a thriving Utopian set- 
tlement in the Wachovia tract. Indeed, the excellent work of Moravian 
li^&mm, pm^imMl^'ttf their potters, metal mifkm Jtflfd: ftMftfH* iwakcts, 
marked Rowan County as one of the outstanding sites in the early history of 
American crafts. Two additional chapters direct attention to the often over- 
looked roles played by women in the production of textiles and consider, as 
well, the actions of various artisans in North Carolina's "Regulator Crisis" of 
1766. While there is no explicit summary or conclusion, what Lewis makes 
very apparent is that the backcountry, at least as far as Rowan County is con- 
cerned, was no cultural backwater. The artisan class, as revealed in its skillful 
handwork and politick ««*ff, was more erj|^|^ "V^f^ ^ Sfedte^aft-coficerns 
arising from the leading metropolitan centers than has previously been al- 
lowed. This insight should alter our view of the backcountry, which has here- 
tofore been cast as nothing more than a place where the lowest social order 
eked «mt » fmim^ Ims^m^^tAmm^ffe^mk^mee. 



Readers should be cautioned that if they are looking for analysis of the ma- 
terial culture aspects of artisan work, they will be disappointed. The matters of 
technology, design, aesthetics, the social fu«Efersi of objects, and other mmes 
tkd dtf^ly to tlmt £&MmiB^ «f -^irtifectt m ^mmi Osunty hmv siMply vmt 
been considered. That potential insights might lurk within such topics is clear 
from a bundle of fourteen illustrations found between pages 76 and 77. The 
bestftyi^ el^ncettf Mo^aviaii stma^ <waer cupboards, and slip-dec@#ated 
l^vfe^s is 'kefond dispute. These items, situated in a nsf f atl«re &fm&,k\ 
affairs, have much to tell us since they too were "witnesses" of their times. 
Authentic artifacts need to be understood as documents, and they should be 
"read" for their infbfimtion in riMidr^ie SfaJtife wty tfe^m read wills tod tax 
lists. Lewis, like too many historians, uses picturiKS vn^^to iliM*f«te Iter text 
when, in fact, the things in the pictures are texts — texts that encode key 
themes at both the intellectual and experiential levels. While she does not 
promise to examine the things made by artisans, her account would only have 
been more conviiKingj asid compdlin^ tfdie haddene so. 



A Southern Star for Maryland: Maryland and the Secession Crisis, 1860-1861. By 
Lavvrence M. Denton (Baltimore: Publishing Concepts, 1995. 256 pages. 
Notes, illustrations, index. $23.95.) 

Lawrence M. Denton sets forth to prove definitively the widely held notion 
that Maryland would have seceded from the Union in 1861 if it had not been 
coerced militarily by the U.S. government. Denton, an energetic researcher, in 



John Michael Vlach 
George Washington University 



110 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



the end provides a plausible platform for this perception. In the eight chapters 
of this well-designed and attractive book, Denton examines events from the 
presidential election of 1860 through the close of 1861. Additional analysis 
and commentary osMeeMlng enlistment figures and postwar po^ks provide 
evidence to buttress his conclusion, which is that the heavy hands of the U.S. 
military and Union political leaders did, indeed, prevent Maryland from join- 
ing its southern brethren. He argues that by April 28, 1861, all hope that 
Maryland's star mig^t be added to tfte flag of the Confederacy had been dis- 
pelled. 

While Denton admits that his effort may be seen as "partisan," he hopes 
"the reader will not find it an overly biased work" (xi). Actually, his work is 
merely r^setme Msf tiie mmteealih^ «n4-««i4y ti«<@ii^6di -century historiogra- 
phy on which it is based. Earlier histories generally celebrate the quixotic hero- 
ism of Maryland's secessionist leaders, stressing their utter powerlessness to 
deliver their state to the Confederacy. But is this a valid assessment? 

Could it possibly have been these educated "gentlemen" themselves, waiting 
and waiting for Virginia's lead, who ultimately doomed Maryland's best 
chance for secession? The arrest and imprisonment in September 1861 of 
Severn Teackk WalKs, T. Ww^mi Scott, and o^iim by ^ U.S. military ensured 
their martyrdom to the "Imi Cause" in Maryland. But to what degree had 
their timidity and adherence to strict legal mea^res predated Maryland from 
seceding? This issue is not raised in this book. 

The "revcflution" (as one contemporary Baltimore newspaper termed it) 
unleashed by the riot of April 19 failed to sustain itself for even a week. Surely 
fear of retribution from General Benjamin Butler's small force in AnnapoHs, 
when allegedly thousands of Baltimoreans stood ready to defend their city 
from northern aggreraors, cannot be the only reason for the inertia of seces- 
sionism. Lacking external military support from the South, the Maryland 
"revolution" simply withered and died. On April 26 citizens planted a large 
U.S. flag on top of Federal Hill. Before General Butler's May 13 arrival some 
four hundred Union volunteers had been recruited at the Patriot nempapcr 
offices. These actions suggest that secession never truly garnered the wide 
popular appeal promoted by earlier histories and by this book. 

Denton's assessment of what constituted a Marylander (172-174, 181) is 
problematic, as is his general conclusion that if only native-bom Marylanders 
could have decided their fate, then Maryland would have seceded — a nine- 
teenth-century viewpoint expressed by Bradley T. Johnson, a former Confeder- 
ate general. Despite what can only be called wishful thinking, the truth remains 
that Maryland in 1861 contained siz^k populations of European and northern 
immigrants. It also hosted the largest free black population in the South (the 
majority being native-born Marylanders for generations). Many of these indi- 
viduals held no sympathy for the concepts of states' rights, secession, and hu- 
man bondage. The author is probably right when he asserts that "they were 



Book Reviews 



111 



different people . . . different in their outlook and expectations, and certainly 
out of step, politically, with other Marylanders (174). Nevertheless, they can- 
not be excluded from — nor their roles marginalized in — Maryland history. 

'iiKmm<i(itm^4rfiiMing up, as the author Jb«Ss;|>«lt^t*it»in»*s^^ 
indicative of Maryland's warrftm political sentiments. For example, Denton 
cites the lopsided 1868 gubernatorial election defeat of notable radical Union- 
ist Hugh Lennox Bond as evidence of Maryland's true predilections 
(207-i@8)j Hfr-^ils to no^-hmti^^mti-'^ktttfSmtA iMd hmii a slr^rag a€^o@«te 
for the civil rights of Maryland's black population. Did Bond's defeat signify 
the state's political sympathies or merely underscore the racism at the core of 
Maryland society? Racism marked both Unionist and secessionist factioiK. 

Without doubt, the U.S. military ffliterf^ence ifi h4ii^aii4 — ihe sawrefces, 
arrests, and restricted elections — did much to quell the secessionist fire in 
many Marylanders of 1861. Yet it appears that the blame cannot be ascribed 
wholly to tile men in blue, de^t& Denton's assertion. During Marylaitd's nar- 
row window for secession in April 1861 the people needed true revolutionaries 
instead of "gentlemen" who dallied in the hope of legislative measures. Fur- 
ther, Maryland lacked a population united in philosophical sentiment. Clearly, 
a mixture of both external and internal factors, plus the coercive presence of 
the U.S. military, impeded Maryland's move for secession. 

The historian who wishes to provide the "final word" on a subject steps 
onto a slippery slope. Nevertheless, Denton's effort is to be applauded heartily. 
This readable book wiH entertain you and make you think, if you are of a 
mind to consider the issues it raises, but historical interpretation is forever 
open to naw analysis as fresh primary sources and scholarship are given light. 

Robert W. Schoeberlein 
Maryland Historical Society 



112 



Books in Brief 

.^B*##ft**fte#«flte^MA., Walking Guid^^^'Mmrimm§mmt f!^TS 
readers a tour of Paris with an AnteriMti twist. Authors Daniel and Alice Jouve 
and Alvin Grossman take readers to twenty-three locations made prominent 
by Americans in their struggles for an independent United States. This guide 
sMrks ^f people Bli#<&»ijamin Franyii^ J@hn P«rit' }mm, and 
Thomas Paine and clearly illustralBpiiit mutual respedtidbit has always been a 
part of France's relations with the United States. Thi#f«lbiication is distrib- 
uted M <8hc U.S. by ti««*i^irie de France, RockeM«r Gwrter Promenade, 610 
Fifth Avenue, New York, New York 10020. 

Grui^, $24.95 

Fred H^^mt's Menckert: A is now avafl^e in a softcover edition as part 
of the ykir^im^ Paperback Bookshelf series. This substantial biography makes 
use of H. L. Mencken's letters, volumes of diaries, and innumerable other 
writings to produce a thorough and engaging study of the personal life of the 
Sage of Mlilitore. 

J^lhnsHopkins University Press, $17.95 

Easton, Pennsylvania, was a prominent pre-Revolutionary German settle- 
ment as well as an important site for trading and treaty negotiations. Some of 
the First Settlers of "The Forks of the Delaware" and Their Descendants. Being a 
translation from the German of the Record Books of the First Reformed Church of 
Easton, Pennsylvania, from 1760 to 1852 is again available as a reprint, provid- 
ing easy access to vital records and the hfetory of this settlement. This transla- 
tion by the Reverend Henry Martyn Kieffer, D.D., includes a history of the 
building of the church and the organization of the congregation. 

Heritage Books, Inc., $30.00 

The Pennsylvania Barn: Its Origin, Evolution, and Distribution in North 
America offers readers a thoroughly illustrated account of the development of 
the structure also known as the forebay bank barn. Author Robert F. Ensmin- 
ger traces its architectural history from medieval Europe to Pennsylvania's 
German settlements, and even examines today's uses of Pennsylvania barns as 
offices or shops. This work, now available in paperback, was published in co- 
operation with the Center for American Places, Harrison, Virginia. 

Johns Hopkins University Press, $22.95 



Books in Brief 



113 



Although many historians view the Age of Jackson as a time of growing fear 
and foreboding, Daniel Feller takes a new approach to this era in his book, The 
Jacksonian Promise: America, 1815-1840. Looking to this time as one of opti- 
mism mi -dtftmrnm ^mrth, the author examinit ma 'amm^^t spmk thntiid 
to railroads, unions, factories, utop»% and even religious revivals. Although 
rival visions would eventually result in discord, this early period in America's 
growth can be viewed as one of opportunity. 

Hqpkins University Press, $ 13.95 

In The Hard Hand of War: Union Military Policy Toward Southern Civilians, 
1861-1865, author Mark Grimsley exaMincs tiie evolving Union policy of de- 
structive attacks on southern property .durii^ the Civil War. Akhough first or- 
dered to protect and preserve the property of southerners. Union soldiers 
gradually turned to actions intended to ruin the economy of the South and de- 
moralize its citizens. Using comparisons with earlier European wars as well as 
the testimonies of both Union soldiers and southern civilians, Grimsley argues 
that this program of directed Si^ygnty for from b^iag the. wrath peipetu- 
ated in American legends. 

Camferi^ University Press, $29.95 

Stephen Saunders Webb examines the seventeenth-century British Empire 
through a revisionist lens in Lord Churchill's Coup: The Anglo-American Em- 
pire and the Glorious Revolution Reconsidered. At the focal point of this study is 
John Churchill, who rose from his role as page boy to beooSPe a major military 
figure in England's struggle with France for imperial supremacy. Webb asserts 
that Churchill's fears of a Cathohc monarch led to his instrumental role in the 
successful military coup that is known as the Glorious Revelation. The role 
that America played in these ^u^es was central to Churchill's agenda for 
domination of Catholic France. 

Alfred A. Knopf, $30.00 



J.M.P. 



114 



In the Mail 

mkm • 

Bill Moore has a better memory, I believe, than Admiral Halsey. I am refer- 
ring to Donald Fritz's article in your Winter 1995 issue of the Maryland His- 
torical Magazine about Bill Moore and the last enemy plane. 

Moore recalls Hafeey's ortfer to ^k&e^ down enemy planes "in a friendly 
fashion." A footnote quotes Halsey in his book, "Admiral Halsey's Story," as 
recalling that he ordered enemy planes to be shot down "in a friendly sort of 
way." 

I am certain that Mome iqto«rt» tf Aey treoirsttcly becMSe I ako rcseeived the 
same message and remember very well after all these years because it seemed 
to be something that Halsey, always a colorful person, would have said — ^very 
dfredt asd hiarmormiS. llie ^Qtyte ft<taf WSsef^ hot^ is less in keeping with 
HAfey's personality than the remembrance of Bill Moore. 

I was an officer aboard a U.S. Navy tanker in the Western Pacific preparing 
for the invasion of the Japanese homelands, and messages received on my ship 
about the cotning' fend of i1k were wckome indfeed. I think my memory is 
still clear about the message in question. 

A few days before, Halsey sent another message advising the Fleet that we 
were still at war even though the Japanese were suing for peace. That message 
pointgd oiJt flie Japanese were realizing that their military forces were beaten 
hm(^ t© their own shores and that "they did not have a spot t© tes in — re- 
peat — a spot to hiss in." I wonder if Bill Moore remembers that ismm^l 

Sincerely yours, 

Jere O. Hamill 

Baltimore 

Editor: 

In the Fall 1995 issue of the Maryland Historical Magazine, the article "Oys- 
termen in Antebellum St. Mary's County" by Bayly Ellen Marks, Dr. Marks 
states that Ennals Rozell v/as from Virginia. In fact, Ennals Rozell was from 
Easton, Maryland and Tilghman's Island, where he owned a sawmill. Rather 
than classify him as a farmer, because of his past activities as owner of a hotel 
and hat factory in Easton plus the twenty-some land purchases in Talbot 
County, I have thought of him as a businessman. 

When he died in 1867 in Washington, D.C., where he lived on "G" street, he 
ovmed a number of properties in Southwe^ Washington. He was buried with 
his third wife on St. Georges Island in the cemetery on land he donated to the 
citizens of the island. There is a marker at the cemetery dedicating this gift but 
unfortunately there is no marker for his grave. 



In the Mail 



115 



When I started to research my family, I -amazed at the number of activi- 
ties that my Great, gr, gr grandfather had been associated with during his Hfe- 
time. According to records, he helped finance and establish M.E. churches in 
Easton, Tilghman's Island, St. Georges Island and Washington, D.C. 

I hope fkit you undra-stand thilMif-fi^Mt ifer hkm leads me to write this 
letter. I think that he was a great man and respected citizen of Maryland. 

Sincerely, 

Charles H. Gibson 

Glyndon 

Editor: 

Robert W. Schoeberlein's "A Fair to Remember" (Maryland Historical 
Magazine, Winter 1995) airily illifstrates how msmy @dtifflore women of the 
nineteenth century were engaged in vigorous and continuing "good works." 
One hesitates, therefore, to suggest that they may have been under a legal dis- 
ability not shared by thek-Mr^ mi^mdt @f tfie d^. 

In the cf^^immi t@^« modKmit^aok. Women and the Lmw ofProp&rty m 
Early America (1986), Marylynn Salmon declares that "The tremendous vari- 
ation evident in early American rules on married women's property rights 
fe^hes us to be w»ry lof easy generalizatii®«is." There is, howewrj a situiatiofi in 
Byt^ore that may lead to a valid generalization regarding a matter peculiar 
to Baltimore. 

From the 1740s on, according to Thomas W. Griffith's Annals of Baltimore, 
1824, "it became the practice to dispose of lots by leases for long terms, mostly 
ninety-nine years renewable forever." 

My brief piece, "Peter Goodright vs. William Nought" (National Genealogi- 
cal Society New5/e«er, 17 [1991]: 107), points out that the transfer of land in 
England was so ^fficult under common law that the English invented a "legal 
fiction" to make it possMeto move a case from a common law to a chancery 
court. Since leases were considered personal rather than real property, and 
therefore subject to chancery rules, fictitious leases were invented to justify^ 
trying the case in chan<aa7 (WiHiaB!! Allen Jowett, Dictionary of En^h Law, 
2nd ed., [London, [1977], under "Ejectment"). 

It is apparent from Baltimore land deeds of about 1800 that Baltimore fol- 
lowed the English system. Women were not asked to approve their husbands' 
sale of leased land, as Maryland law would have required them to do if land 
held in fee simple were being transferred. Presumably in many cases married 
women in Baltimore lived in houses that were held under leases. 

I do not detect a groundswell of objection, either by women or by lawyers, 
to Baltimore's spteaa for traati i w jiii i ig pre^rtf . Perhaps »© one noticed that 
husbands could dispose of PersHiraai^ before they died (Blackstone, quoted by 
Salmon, 230), whereas they ccmM fflat do so with Realty. In addition, Salmon 
points out. Personalty was liable for a man's debts as soon as probate began; 



116 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



but in the disposition of real property a widow's dower (one-third of her hus- 
band's property to be used dm msi»m ;1 U l(l ^s0} .had to ©if <jMMi^ ;kitd 
could be attached for debts. 

Maybe most husbands simply willed their houses and leases to their 
wives — tintil such time as these pessessiGtis hecmm common property. 

Betty Bandel 

Burlington, Vermont 

Editor: 

I enjoyed reading the article "Lost in the Lost Cause: The 1st Maryland In- 
fantry Regiment (C.S.)" by Kevin Conley Ruffner in the Winter 1995 edition. 
His article was both well written and interesting. 

However, his r^orence to Captaifi 'WMkmm R Dei^nt of the 1st Mar5^and Ar- 
tillery (first paragraph, page 440) might be misleading. Captain Dement sup- 
ported his men when they petitioned for discharge on July 12, 1864, the end of 
their three-year enlistment, fhe adt of February 7, 1864, hekf afl tro«p«%i Con- 
federate service beyond their terms of enlistm^,/dtmigh Confederate Mttylan- 
ders did not believe acts of the Confederate Congress applied to them. Dement's 
petition went up through channels until it reached the office of the Adjutant and 
Inspector General, whom assistant, Samud W. Mdton, tersely replied that the 
Secretary of War had declared Marylanders in the Confederate army would be 
considered as residents, staying in the Confederacy "for an indefinite period." 
"They have cast their lots with us," his response continued, "and are liable to like 
dtrties in resisting t ooinmon enettif^*ith our own citizens." 

Dissatisfied, Danent wrote directly to Jefferson Davis, who referred the 
matter to the Attorney-General for a ruling which has not been located. What- 
ever it was, eighteen members of Dement's battery deserted, and thirty-eight 
more were discharged by writs of habeas corpus issued by a sympathetic judge 
who evidently agreed with the Marylanders' position. General Robert E. Lee 
disagreed, and informed the Confederate Secretary of War that the men had 
deserted as the result of "discomfort in the trenches." These matters are dis- 
cussed more fially in a history I have fk^med of the 1st and 2nd Maryland Ar- 
tillery (C.S.), currently in publication. 

George L. Sherwood, Jr. 

Frederick 

Editor: 

Dr. Ruffner's article (Winter 1995 issue, page 425) leads off with the state- 
ment that "the number of Union Marylanders [in the armed forces], . . . even 
exdudii^ mrmsrip^, imp&tgiimm, anilr>Miidc"«^i^rs,'' *vms ^mif dmible" the 
estimated 25,000 Marylanders who served in the Confederate forces. The foot- 
note appended to this sentence cites only Hartzler's Marylanders in the Con- 



In the Mail 



117 



federacy, which says nothing of the kind. Dr. Ruffner gives no support or ex- 
planation whatever for his allegation about the nunAer of Unionists. 

In your Winter 1987 issue, you published a book review by me which, on 
the basis of detailed citations and reasoning, concluded that the number of 
Maryland Unionists was a maximum of 23,345 in the army and 5,020 in the 
navy and marines— vnth tWmtim^iii^f&mWm^M bf Dr. Ruffiier, except 
that I know of no easy way in which all the "foreigners" can be counted and 
excluded, only those who were substitutes. These figures total 28,365, or more 
than 21,000 fewer than Dr. Ruffner asserts. The total would be even smaller if 
all ^isne^ners" wm»t m^milisA C^irMlii m^fi^e ^iied «iti#fiis ^ mdA- 
vidual service records, census entries, etc.), and if all the frauds could be de- 
tected who enlisted (and deserted) under different names several times to win 
the generous bounties that were offered. 

Y^f^Miidiid gmmi^af ^ IwMc ^i te rt ailo iis M k)ii| ng& ies IMS (vdume 
63, pages 442-443), in a "Notes and Queries" item by Jack T.Hutchinson. Mr. 
Hutchinson demonstrated that grossly inflated versions of the Maryland Un- 
ksitet i^iel^^ if^ In major part tM u dm^mMk&aikUcsl err&r. A de- 
tjulttd it*«% ctf Toomey's Index to the Roster of Mmfland Volunteers 
1861-1865 (1986) permitted further refinements. It is surprising that you 
would publish an unsupported and undocumented assertion that is clearly 
wrong, and which contradicts vAm #le ta*g^iM fmnd fk WfMi^ at kast 
twice in the past. 

Brice M. Cla^ett 

Friendship 

Editor: 

Notwithstanding the usual high quality of articles appearing in your journal, 
I feel I must point out some errors and omissions in the article "Lost in the 
Lost Cause: The 1st Maryland Infantry Reginient (C.S.)" by Kevin Conley 
Ruffner in the Winter 1995 issue of the Maryland Historical Magazine. 

First, in the second paragraph Mr. Ruffner claims that "there are far more 
Confederate monuments and statues in Maryland today than Union memori- 
als." Overlook!*^ tfeeteft^^w^ t^ei*srtof H^e-Mithor of three different types 
of commemorations (monuments, statues, and memorials), he obviously did 
not consult my book on the topic: Lest We Forget: A Guide to Civil War Mon- 
wnents in Maryland (White Mane Publishing Company, 1995), which reveals 
liiat there are twenty-nine Tl»<9ti&itmtes M -th©* fSu^ for the South, 
twenty-five monuments to those who fought for the North, and four monuments 
dedicated to both sides. Of the monuments honoring Confederates seven were fi- 
nanced by the State of Maryland and three by the federal government. 

Also in error is the ^atenKnt that "Southern veteraii* in Maryiand 

far outnumbered their Union counterparts." In a report of Confederate veter- 
ans groups in Maryland in the Confederate Veteran (vol. 1, March 1893, 71) 



118 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



there were nine such groups with a total of 2,390 members at the end of 1892. 
In the same year there were 3,578 mmibers of thi«K^?Mid-A«ttf««l i*e ■ftefwife- 
lie (Michael Siedenhans, "Their Deeds are Written on the Temple of Fame: 
Veterans Organizations in Baltimore, 1866-1914," thesis, the Johns Hopkins 
University, 1988). 

In the capticm imt ihs- fii^i@giNtplii ef Q^^sef^ Bradley T. Johnson Mr. 
Ruffner states that Johnson with his veteiaiia8>«cganizations was "perpetuating 
the ideals of the "Lost Cause." Whatever those ideals were (they are not de- 
fined in the article), it is obvious from reading his speeches that General 
Jc^raseti was not about to perpetiMte them In mt^spmck be says, "I hap^ no 
sympathy with any attempt to revive the issues*** J^kindle the passions of civil 
war." By his own words his founding of the S*eietf of the Army and Navy of 
the Confederacy in the State of Maryland to pt^ssnfe lJi€ htJtior and integ- 
rity of the Maryland wum who fought for the Confederacy so they would be 
considered worthy to assume their places in the new union beside the men 
who fought for the North . . . since they had no state to defend them they 
would more likely be considered traitors. His founding of the Maryland Line 
was to provide for ne6% 8»d?iMsS'ly Maryland Confederate veterans because, 
again, they had no state to support them (Bradley T. Johnson, address before 
the Society of the Army and Navy of the Confederate States in the State of 
Maryland, Bi^rawrc, Novmiber li®6). 

Near the end of the article Mr. Ruffiier says that Colonel Bradley T. Johnson 
did not receive another formal command until after the Battle of Gettysburg. 
Actually Colonel Johnson received an assignment under General Jackson's 
command immediately after the di^anding of the 1st Maryland. He com- 
manded the 2nd Virginia Brigade in place of General J. R. Jones, who was sick, 
and was commended for his action with this brigade in the Second Battle of 
Manassas (obituary of Bradley T. Johnson, Baltimore Sun, October 6, 1903). 

Mr. Rufifner fails to mentieai the-^wmber of companies from the 1st Mary- 
land that remained together for the duration of the war even though the name 
of the company, and sometimes the commanding officer, changed. 

A more blatant omission is any reference to the wife of Bradley Johnson, 
Jane Claudia Saunders Johnson, known as "the Mother of the 1st Maryland 
Regiment," who single-handedly armed, clothed, and equipped the first or- 
ganization of five hundred men in the space of ten days. A view into the politi- 
cal and social connections as well as the nature of this woman would also lead 
0m to fedi€ve that she had a considi0«ye h^iid in the acceptance of the 1st 
Maryland into the Confederate army. She also happens to fee tbe fkst woman 
in Maryland to have had a monument erected to her. 

Sumn C. Soderherg 

Germantown, Maryland 



119 



Notices 

Undergraduate Essay Contest 

The Education Committee of the Maryland Historical Society announces its 
sixth annual undergraduate essay contest. The winner will receive a cash prize 
of $250. Papers tatist W mt S^MkrfOM subject and mtke use of prirmry 
sources. Please send entries to the Education Department, Maryland Histori- 
cal Society, 201 West Monument Street, Baltimore, Maryland 21201. Deadline 
for submissions is June 15, 1996. 

Montgomery County Preservation Awards 

Montgomery Preservation, Inc. iimtes nominations for its 1996 awards. 
Awards honor individuals and groups who, through community action and 
restoration efforts, have made a significant contribution to the preservation of 
Montgomery County's historic architectural and landscape resources. Selec- 
tfeii is mwkljy »f«B^ tif preiented at the organi- 

zation's Tenth Anniversary Gala on May 15, 1996. Deadline for nominations 
is at hand: April 1, 1996. For more information about different nomination 
categories or to obtain nomination forms, please contact Judy Christensen at 
(301)926-2650. 

African-American History Forums 

Under the rubric "This Little Light of Mine, I'm Gonna Let It Shine," the 
Maryland Humanities Council is sponsoring a series of community forums to 
examine and encourage the preservsttion, iftterpl'etation, and Inclusion of Afri- 
can-American history in the archives, museums, and historical records of 
Maryland. The forums include addresses by African-American scholars; locally 
focused commentary by community representatives; presentations by a coali- 
tion of archival and historical organizations, including the Maryland Histori- 
cal Society, of resources for hei^i^ conifflunities learn about their history; 
and workshops on oral history, genealogy, and preservation of family and 
community artifacts. The first forum was held at Howard County Community 
College on March 23. Future forums will be held at Bowie State University 
(April), University of Maryland, Eastern Shore (June), Hagerstown Junior 
College (June), Baltimore Community College, Park Heights Avenue (Au- 
gust), and Charles County Community College (September). For more infor- 
mation call Judy Dobbs of the Maryland Humanities Council at (410) 
625-4830. 



120 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



Marine Corps Essay Contest 

The U.S. Naval Institute invites submissions to its Eighth Annual U.S. Ma- 
mte C#pp« Bwtf QsHfl*^. Authors of the three winning essays will receive cash 
prizes of $1000, $750, and $500, and Proceedings will publish their work. Any- 
one may enter this contest, and essays should explore any current issues or 
new directions for the Marine Corps today. The work must be original, no 
longer #iin 3^00©^ fww^^^«^t y|)i l !i»k i iwt> - d i tiife . ^aeed, on 8.5" x iT'^paper. 
Entries should include address, phone number, biographical sketch, and social 
security number, and must be postmarked by May 1, 1996. Mail submissions 
to Editor-in-Chief, Proceedings (USMC Contest), Naval Institute, 118 Mary- 
land Avenue, Annapolis, Maryland 24102-5035. 

Naval Institute Seminar 

On April 24-25 the Naval Institute's 122nd Annual Meeting and Sixth An- 
napolis Seminar will include addresses by Admiral J. M. Boorda, Chief of Na- 
val Operations, and Nightingale's Song author Robert Timberg. Captain Scott 
0'GiB*%» llit$j^k9tmm^mMmKm and General Martin Berndt, who planned 
the rescue, will conduct a session on April 25. For information on sessions and 
scheduling call 410-224-3378. 

Maryland Sheep and Wool Festival 

With a "Sheep to Shawl" contest, Parade of Breeds, and lamb tastings, this 
year's Sheep and Wool Festival promises to be a lively and entertaining event. 
Other highlights include sheep dog demonstrations, live music, crafts sales, 
and a competitive sheep show. The event, sponsored by the Maryland Sheep 
Breeders Associi^m» v^l^iiey JiiKf 4~§, ^9$^, &%3^ iiQmaitd County Fair- 
grounds in West Friendship. Admission and parkii^ are free. For more infor- 
mation, call LesUe Bauer at (410) 531-3647. 

Annual Orafts Festivals 

Sugarloaf Mountain Works will host Maryland Spring Crafts Festivals in 
Gaithersburg and Timonium. Each event will include five hundred artists and 
craftspeople, as well as live music and marionette shows. Demonstrations of 
wheel-thrown pottery, iron-forging, and glass blowing are scheduled as well. 
The festivals will be at the Montgomery County Fairgrounds ih Gaithersburg 
April 12-14, and at the Maryland State Fairgrounds tti Timbftlum April 
26-28. For more information, call 1-800-210-9900. 

J.M.P. 



121 



Historic Trees of Maryland: A Series 




The tree for this issue was chosen in recognition of the 300th anniversary of 
the founding of St. John's College in Annapolis. 

The Liberty Tree, standing on the St. John's College campus in Annapolis, is 
a magnificent tulip poplar (liriodendron tulipfera) that predates the founding 
of the Maryland colony. This four-hundred-year-old tree is supposedly the site 
where a treaty between the colonists and the Susquehannock Indians was 



122 



Maryland Historical Magazine 



signed in 1652. In the next century Samuel Chase and the Sons of Liberty 
gathered beneath its boughs to protest British tax laws in a prelude to revolu- 
tion. Legend holds that Generals Washington and Lafayette lunched in its 
shade, and for many years after the triumph of American independence the 
citizens of Annapolis hosted Fourth of July celebrations around its twelve-foot 
trunk. 

Around 1840 several mischievous boys loaded the hollow trunk with gun- 
powder and lit it, setting off an explosion and starting a great fire that threat- 
ened to kill the tree. It bloomed even more luxuriantly the next year, and 
naturalists noted that the explosion had in fact destroyed a nest of worms that 
had been gnawing at the heart of the ancient tree. There have been several ex- 
tensive repairs and treatments over the years, and today the tree is held to- 
gether in many places with wood screws and wires. Despite these problems, 
the tree continues to bloom each spring. 

In this tricentennial year the stately Liberty Tree will once again serve as a 
canopy, shading students and their families on graduation day as it has for 
centuries. 

P.D.A. 



Maryland Picture Puzzle 



123 



Challenge your knowledge of Maryland sports history by identifying this 
event, the teams, and the date. 

The Winter 1995 Picture Puzzle depicts (presciently, it turns out) Main 
Street in Port Deposit, Maryland, during the "Great Ice Gorge" of 1910. The 
Susquehanna River had overflowed its banks and had crossed the street. The 
first building shown in the photograph no longer stands and the second build- 
ing has had an addition. 

Our congratulations to Mrs. Nelson Mott Bolton and Ms. Elizabeth Fletcher 
Hartley, who correctly identified the Fall 1995 Picture Puzzle. 

Please send your answers to: 

Picture Puzzle 
Maryland Historical Society 
201 West Monument Street 
Baltimore, MD 21201 




MARYLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



Selected Publications List 

CALUCOrr,GEOKGEH. Maryland Political Behavior. 64pp. 1986. $7.95 ($7.15) 
Chesapeake Wildfowl Hunting: Maryland's Finest Decoys. 108pp. Color illus. 1991. 
(softcover) $14.95 ($13.45) 

COLWILL, STILES T. The Lives and Paintings of Alfred Partridge Klots and His Son, Tn^d Partridge 
Klots. 136pp. Illus. 1979. $12.95 ($11.65) 

COTTOM, ROBERT I. and HAYWARD, MAKY lum, Mmylmd in the CM War. A House Divided. 
128pp. Illus. 1994 $24.95 paper 

ELLIS, DONNA, and STUART, KAREN. The Calvert Papers Calendar and Guide to the Microfilm 
Edition. 202pp. Illus. 1989 $17.95 ($16.15) 

FOSTER, JAMES W. George Calvert: The Early Years. 128pp. 1983. $6.95 ($6.25) 
GOLDSBOROUGH, JENNIFER R Lavish Legacies: Baltimore Album Quilts in the Collection 
of the Maryland Historical Society. 140pp. OsisrMas. 19W. (telt covw) W.9®*(!*SS.75) 
(limited, signed hard cover) $60 ($54) 

HAYWARD, MARY ELLEN. Maryland's MarititmM^ifage: A Guide to the Collections of the Radcliffe 
Maritime Museum. 31pp. IHus. 1984 $5.06 (ifcRS) 

KAHN, PHILLIP JR. A Stitch in Time The Four Seasons efMtmore's NeeMe Trades. 
242 pp. Illus. 1989 $15.00 ($13.50) 

KENNY, HAMILL.2^ePiflce«flmM of Mflrj*i«<i;7MrOrif»nflHrfMean% 352pp. 1984. $12.00 

($10.80) 

KEY, BETTY McKEEVER.Mflr^'fandMflnMfl/o/Ora/jFfisw/y. 47pp. 1979 $5.00 ($4.50) 
ISY, BETTY MCK1E¥1R. Oni Histmy m Mm^fkm^ AVlm:t0ry. 44pp. 1981. $5.00 ($4.50) 
MARKS, LILLIAN BAYLY. Reister's Desire: The Or^ns ^ Reisterstovm . . . (Reister and aUied families). 
251pp. 1975. $15.00 ($13.50) 

MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINES. $6.00 per issue. 

MEYER, MARY K. Genealogical Research in Maryland— A Guide. 4th Ed. 1992. $12.00 ($10.80) 
(Peak Family) Four Generations of Commissions: The Peak Collection of the Maryland Historical Soci- 
ety. I87pp. IHus. 1975. $9.95 ($8.95) 

PEDLEY, AVRIL J. M. 77ie Manuscript Cottiii0m^<^^llt>¥^i^&^ffeal Society. St^plemented by 
#13 390pp. 1968. $20.00 ($18.00) 

POWER, GARRETT. Parceling Out Land in Baltimore, 1632-1796. 56pp. 1994. $5.00 ($4.50). 
RUSSO, JEAN B., Unhckn^ the Secrets of Time: Maryland's Hidden Heritage. 1 10 pp. 1991. $8.95 
($8.05). 

SPALDING, THOMAS W. and KURANDA, KATHRYN M. St Vincent de Paul of Baltimore: The Story 
of a People and Their Home. 312pp. Illus. 1995. $24.95 ($22.45) 

STIVERSON, GREGORY A. and JACOBSEN,PHEBER.WHwmPflCfl: A Biography. 103pp. lUus. 
1976. (soft cover) $8.95 ($8.05) 

WEEKS, CHRISTOPHER. Alexander Sm/tfi Cochran: Modernist Architect in Traditional Baltimore. 
184pp. Illus. 1995. $29.95 ($26.95) 

WEIDMAN, GREGORY R. Furniture in Maryland, 1740-1940 in the Collection of the Maryland 
Historical Society. 344pp. 1984. $37.50 ($33.75) 

WEIDMAN, GREGORY R. and GOLDSBOROUGH, JENNIFER E, Classical Maryland 1815-1845: 
Fine and Decorative Arts from the Golden Age. 185pp. Color illus. $37.50 ($33.80). 



Members of the Maryland Historical Society may take the discounted price (10 percent) in parenthe- 
ses above. Prices subject to change. All orders must be prepaid. Maryland residents add 5 percent 
state sales tax. Include postage and handling charge of $2.00 for the first item and $.50 for each addi- 
tional item. Address orders to: Publications Marketing, Maryland Historical Society, 201 West Monu- 
ment Street, Bahimm-e, Maryland 2 1^1 . An a!HM0l5»*ed Mtok^ af Marytand Ifistodcal Society 
publications is available on request. 




SETTLERS 

MARYLAND 

Peter Wilson Goldham 

These three volumes contain an alpha- 
betical listing of all Maryland Land 
Grants issued between 1679 and 1750. 
Based on land records at the Hall of 
Records in Annapolis, entries are 
arranged by family name, county, 
name of tract granted, acreage, date 
and reference to original sources. 

Volume 1, 1679-1700: 228 pp., indexed, cloth. $25.00 
Volume 2, 1701-1730: 216 pp., indexed, cloth. $25.00 
Volume 3, 1731-1750: 306 pp., indexed, cloth. $30.00 

Postage & handling: one book $3.50; each additional book $1.25. 
Maryland residents add 5% sales tax; Michigan residents add 6% sales 
tax. 

VISA & MasterCard orders: 
phone toll free 1-800-296-6687 or FAX 1-410-752-8492 



genp:alogi(:al prBLisniNG co., inc. 

1001 N. Cahert St./I}ahimore. Md. 21202 



New . . . from the 

Maryland Historical Society 




Alexander Cochran was influenced by Walter Cropius, Frank Lloyd Wright, Le 
Cobusier, and other modernists at Yale and Harvard. He returned to his native 
Baltimore determined to make a difference In both private and public design. 
In time, the power of his ideas helped change the face of his city and pointed 
the way to the famed renaissance of Baltimore's downtown in the 1960s. 

Architectural historian Christopher Weeks combines a lively biography of this 
multifaceted man with a splendid photo gallery of Cochran's most interesting 
and important work. 



1 84 pages Over a hundred photographs and architectural drawings $29.95 




Based on extensive research on both sides of the Atlantic, this new book offers a 
compelling story for general readers and specialists alike. A deeply experience ad- 
miralty lawyer (Owen) and a political scientist (Tolley) interested in American con- 
stitutional development collaborate in tracing the admiralty law system as it was 
transmitted from England to colonial America and showing how eighteenth-century 
experience in admiralty courts helped to s^^^Sm^mm^gfAmtrmm kiw m 
the early years of the Republic. 

456 pages Illustrated $45.00 

Published by Carolina Academic Press in 
Association with the Msar^mA Historical Society 

MHS members may order at the usual 10% discount from Publications Marketing, Maryland 
Historical Society, 201 W. Monument Street, Baltimore, MD 21201. Please add 5% sales tax 
and $2.00 for shipping and handling. All other orders to Carolina Academic Press, 700 Kent 
Street, Durham, NC 27701 



^Mezufrom ^uSCisfiiiy Concepts Baltimore 

WALDEN PONDERINGS: 




MSfhat's Right, 
Whafs Wrongy 
What Matters 

ALAN WALDEN 

WBAL Radio's award-winning master of the 
short essay has pondered just about everything in 
recent years. This superb collection of 
commentaries illustrates once again that great 
journalism is nothing less than "the first draft of 
history." 

288 pages, hardcover, $22.95* 



A SOUTHERN STAR 
I FOR MARYLAND: 

Maryland and the p 
Secession Crisis, 
1860-1861 

LAWiH^iM CffiNTON 

As war clouds gathered in the spring of 1 861, 
Maryland was poised to join her sister states in 
secession, and had she done so, the course of the 
Civil War would have been radically altered. 
Here is the story of what almost happened — 
and why it didn't. 

256 pages, 25 illustrati<MS, ta^covi^, $26.00* 
(Not available in bookstores) 

800-960-3003 (V/MC/AE) 

*Prices include shipping. Checks accepted. 
Maryland residents add 5% sales tax. 

WBySHNG €\»{GEtTS« ilM^miOkE, 1 \1 Smhwat Roa4 BrftBTiofe, MD l\m 





THE MARYLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY 
OFFICERS AND BOARD OF TRUSTEES, 1994-1995 



President 

Jack S. Griswold 

Vice-Presidents 
Dorothy McUvain Scott 
John D. Schapiro 



Secretary 

Stanard T Klinefelter 

Treasurer 
WiUiam R. Amos 

Counsel 

William J. McCarthy 



Term Expires 1996 
William R. Amos 
Gary Black Jr. 
L. Patrick Deering 
Mrs. William A. Fisher 111 
Louis G. Hecht 
David L. Hopkins Jr. 
William J. McCarthy 
J. Jefferson Miller II 
Howard P. Rawlings 
J. Marshall Reid 
Jacques T. Schlenger 
Dorothy Mcllvain Scott 
David Mcintosh Williams 

Term Expires 1997 
Gregory H. Barnhill 
Gerry L. Brewster 
Charles W. Conley 
Mrs. Leonard C. Crewe Ir. 
Jack S. Griswold 
Lenwood H. Ivey 
Barbara P. Katz 
Stanard T. Klinefelter 
William T. Reynolds 

G. Dowell Schwartz Jr. 
M. David Testa 

H. Mebane Turner 



Term Expires 1998 
James C. Alban III 
Clarence W. Blount 
Forrest F. Bramble Jr. 
Stiles T.Colwill 
William B. Dulany 
Louis L. Goldstein 
Ronald C. McGuirk 
Milton H. Miller Sr. 
John W. Mitchell 
Camay Calloway Murphy 
William T. Murray III 
John D. Schapiro 
George R. Tydings 

Ex-Officio Trustees 
Dennis A. Fiori 
Kurt L. Schmoke 

Chairmen Emeriti 
Samuel Hopkins 
J. Fife Symington Jr. 

Presidents Emeriti 
E. Mason Hendrickson 
John L. McShane 
Brian B. Topping 
Frank H.Weller Jr. 



Letters to the Editor are welcome. Letters should be as brief as possible. Address Editor's 
Mail, Maryland Historical Magazine, 201 West Monument Street, Baltimore, Maryland 
21201. Include the writer's name, address, and daytime telephone number. Letters may be 
edited for clarity and space. 

The Maryland Historical Magazine welcomes submissions from authors. All articles will be 
acknowledged, but only those accompanied by stamped, self-addressed envelopes will be 
returned. Submissions should be printed or typed manuscript. Once accepted, articles 
should be on 3.5-inch (preferably) or 5.25-inch disks for IBM (or compatible) PCs or 
Macintosh. Preferred word-processing programs are Wordperfect 6.0 or Microsoft Word 
5.1. Guidelines for contributors are available on request. Address the Managing Editor. 



MAR ^! M996 jl^ 



Umum STATE ARCHIVES 



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